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LIFE 



OF 



WILLIAM PITT, 



LATE 



PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN, 

WITH 

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES 

OF HIS PRINCIPAL FRIENDS AND ILLUSTRIOUS 
COTEMPORARIES. 



He was a scholar, and a ripe, and a good one, 
Exceeding wise, fair spoken, and persuading : 
Lofty, and sour, to them that lov'd him not ; 
But, to those men that sought him, sweet as summer. - 
Shakspeare, Henry VUL 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED BY JOHN WATTS, 



1806. 
> 






Transfer 
O S. Soldiers Home Libra* 
Jen. 25, 1938 



"'.■ 






PREFACE 



TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. 



IN the harmonious family of Literature, History and 
Biography are sisters. They are twins'; and both are 
beautiful. The port of the one is stately and martial, 
but the air of the other, if less dignified, is more allur- 
ing. One generally commands us to repair to the cabi- 
net or the camp, while the other beckons us to the bower. 
History has respectful and staunch friends, but Biogra- 
phy has passionate lovers. There are some, who are 
indifferent to the charms of the first, but there are none 
who do not admire the winning grace and sensible con- 
versation of the latter. 

To drop the allusion : Experience and Observation in- 
struct the reflecting portion of mankind that we are less 
interested in a narrative of the intrigues of courts, the 
schemes of cabinets, and the vicissitudes of war than in 
the lives of men, who have given birth to such events, 
and who have stood foremost in the phalanx of states- 
men, and in the camps of the valiant. 
A2 



vi PREFACE. 

In describing the conflicts of Peloponesus, and the 
horrors of the Athenian pestilence, the story, even of 
Thucydides, is sometimes tiresome; while the Retreat of 
the Ten Thousand, and the Commentaries of Csesar afford 
us perpetual delight, because we discern so distinctly the 
portraits of Xenophon and Julius. We are instructed 
by Mr. Hume's chapters, in which are detailed, with so 
much clearness of method, and felicity of expression, the 
battles of the barons, and the politics of the Plantagenets ; 
but the vivid pictures of the jealousy of Elizabeth, and the 
misfortunes of Mary, are contemplated with more plea- 
sure. From the history of a campaign we turn with a 
sort of alacrity to the memoirs of the minister, by whom 
it was planned. We often prefer anecdote to historical 
narration, and domestic to civil history. The enormous 
tomes of Thuanus are seldom consulted, and, perhaps, 
never were digested ; but with what eager curiosity do 
we gaze at the slightest incident in the life of a Burke! 

This peculiar interest, which Biography always ex- 
cites, will of course induce men to snatch, with more 
than ordinary eagerness, Annals of such a Life as that 
of the youngest son of Chatham. The name of PITT 
is a passport to renown; and, in the deliberate opinion 
of the writer of this article, the late Premier of England 
is entitled to the gratitude and admiration of the present 
and future generations, for 

HIS POLITICAL SAGACITY, 

HIS LOFTY AND INTREPID SPIRIT, 

HIS CONSUMMATE ELOQUENCE, 

AND 

HIS SPOTLESS INTEGRITY* 



PREFACE. vii 

The sagacity of Mr. Pitt as a statesman has been fully 
demonstrated, by his uniform polity, with respect to the 
French revolution. By the side of Edmund Burke, he 
was the first to discern, and the first to oppose, the march 
of that anarch fiend. The course of events, from the as- 
sembling of the French notables, down to the death of 
the late Premier of England, has made manifest this 
momentous truth, that the counsels of Pitt and Burke 
have actually saved, from political perdition, not only 
Great Britain, but America, and every country, where 
even a shadow of legitimate government can be discern- 
ed. In the eventful years of 1792, and 1793, the spirit 
of the French reformers appeared so often, that it was 
impossible to mistake its character or its objects. The 
first was of a class more baleful, more bloody and ma- 
lignant, than those execrated madmen, whom we enrol 
among the monsters of depravity, the Tiberiuses, the 
Neros and the Domitians. The second were, not se- 
cretly, but avowedly, not with insidious hypocrisy, but 
with flagrant impudence, to establish atheism, to deride 
morals, to annihilate monarchy and rank, to violate pro- 
perty, to new model justice ; and, as it has been described 
in the words of ardent eloquence and just indignation, to 
force upon the subjects of every government French free- 
dom in the loathsome form of " an irrational, unprinci- 
pled, proscribing, plundering, ferocious, bloody and ty- 
rannical Democracy." Against so execrable and so 
profligate a project, a scheme as visionary as it was im- 
pious and infamous, Pitt exercised all the energies of his 
soul and all the powers of his voice; as it has been ele- 
gantly expressed, he encountered the political frenzy as 
Hercules encountered theCretan bull. He triumphed; 
and his country is still independent and free, without uni- 



M PREFACE. 

versal suffrage, or French fraternity, the speeches of a 
Marat, or the massacres of a Robespierre. 

The loftiness and intrepidity of his spirit were visible 
even in his juvenile years. Nothing could be more evin- 
cive of the proud consciousness of mental power than his 
early declaration that he would not accept of a subaltern 
place in any administration. The proofs of his political 
courage, of that " courage of the cabinet, which is 
far better and less vulgar than that of the field," are to 
be found in almost every act of his public life ; and this 
sort of intrepidity was never more stoutly, more sted- 
fastly, and more gallantly displayed, than in hours of the 
most tremendous peril. The highest degree of credit we 
must assign him, when we take a cursory view of the state 
of Europe and of the world during his administration. 
From the common cause when the king of Prussia was 
a deserter,; when the hopes of the allied powers were 
completely deferred; when the army of the duke of 
Brunswick melted away like the snows of spring; when 
the duke of York was defeated and disgraced in Holland; 
when petitions for pernicious reform, and petitions from 
seditious clubs crowded the bureau of state, and covered 
every office table; when Treason and Rebellion began to 
sjtew their miscreated front athwart his way; when he was 
continually assailed by the keenest weapons of a vindic- 
tive and formidable Opposition, armed at all points for the 
combat; when Mutiny was raging in the navy, and Re- 
volt in Ireland had made "confusion worse confounded;" 
when the Bank of England sought in vain for coffers 
competent to the claims of the creditor; when Wind- 
ham's well-planned expedition to Quiberon proved disas- 
trous; and when, at length, there arose in the French 



PREFACE. ix 

hemisphere a new star of dazzling brilliancy, but of hor- 
rid portent, threatening, like a comet, the destruction of 
" half the nations," and with fear of change perplexing 
jnonarchs; yet "in an hour so rude" when stout hearts 
quail, and bright faculties become troubled, if not over- 
powered, the Fortitude, Valor, and Perseverance of Pitt 
were never more triumphantly conspicuous. He not only 
gazed stedfastly at all this array of terrors, but advanced 
to meet, and checked, if he did not wholly vanquish, the 
enemy. 

His consummate eloquence has not only been extolled 
by his friends, but admitted by his foes. So sweet and -vo- 
luble was his discourse, that, if his logic did not always con- 
vince, his rhetoric was sure to please. He was a power- 
ful, artful, luminous, and correct speaker. His impromp- 
tic orations were wonderfully correct and elegant. His 
talent for explaining a perplexed subject, the precision 
of his periods, the classical purity of his style, and the 
temper and address he displayed in debate are circum- 
stances familiar to every polite and every political read- 
er. For that energetic and majestic manner, which in 
the late earl of Chatham sometimes approached towards 
haughtiness and arrogance, the son was equally conspi- 
cuous. His voice was sometimes terrible, and his satire 
acrimonious. 

His reputation for integrity and disinterestedness was 
never sullied by the slightest stain. On the contrary, by 
living on a moderate income, and dying in penurious, if 
not in embarrassed, circumstances, he shewed to all the 
world that the vile blot of avarice never tarnished his 
bright escutcheon. If he were ever in servitude, it was. 



x PREFACE. 

under the despotism of a nobler passion. In his immor- 
tal romance, Cervantes makes one of its personages 
remark, when required to render an account of his brief 
administration of a government, that in indigence he as- 
sumed, and in indigence he abdicated, his office ; that 
naked he came, and naked he went away ; and concludes, 
with a logic which none may deny, that this alone was 
ample proof that he had governed like an angel. 

On the whole, it may be confidently asserted that, since 
the time of Cecil and Walsingham, the councils of Eng- 
land have never been moulded by a wiser or more dexte- 
rous statesman ; and, since the time of Cardinal Ximenes, 
perilous seasons have never been faced by a more intre- 
pid minister. He has been arranged with the Colberts 
and the Chathams. Even Mr. Sheridan, at a period of 
sharp animosity, has said of the man, by whom his ge- 
nius was so often rebuked, that he was formed and fitted 
by Nature to benefit his country and to give it 
lustre ; and when Fox, in a mood of the strongest dis- 
gust had quitted his parliamentary duties, and visited 
Switzerland, Gibbon records that, in a frank conversation, 
Fox drew such a portrait of his antagonist as one Great 
man should always exhibit of another. 

A volume, displaying the Biography of one so illustri- 
ous, of politics so staunch and sound, of eloquence so 
commanding, and of honour so bright, has enchained our 
attention, and we believe will captivate that of the Ameri- 
can public. Amusing notes, replete with information and 
anecdote, have been added by the suggestion of a judi- 
cious friend. These contain much of the political history 
of many of the chief friends or rivals of Mr. Pitt. 



PREFACE. xi 

The writer cannot conclude this sketch without lament- 
ing that, at a period so eventful as the present, the world 
should be deprived of the talents of such a statesman. 
In political crises of the most terrible aspect, it seems as 
if a Johnson, a Burke, or a Pitt, is potent to charm 
away, or defeat, all the demons of the tempest. Such 
men, with the might of Shakspeare's Prospero, but with 
magic the most hallowed, can always control the inebri- 
ated madness of the desperate crew; and flame amaze- 
ment among the confounded and the guilty. 



ANNALS 



LIFE OF WILLIAM PITT. 



THE life of WILLIAM PITT contains so much of 
the public and so little of the private man in its 
events, that the reader will pardon our entering upon 
some illustration of the plan, the aim, and scope of this 
rapid sketch, before he proceeds, lest he should expect 
anecdotes where he will encounter orations, and inci- 
dents where he will but meet with opinions. Aware of 
the great difficulty at this moment of representing this 
illustrious character in an historical form, the following 
pages will be found to contain all the leading features in 
their native figure and proportion. The senate has been 
the great theatre where the abundance of his early cul- 
tivation, of his uncommon mind, and of his unbounded 
application, formed into maxims of policy, and digested 
into systems of government, was displayed and promul- 
gated. To this source the editor has principally appli- 
ed ; and it is only where Mr. Pitt's speeches do not fur- 
nish the information necessary to complete the views of 
the work, that he has had recourse to the best historians 
of the times. 

William Pitt was the youngest son of the illustrious 
Earl Chatham, and was born on the 28th of May, 1759, 
at a time when his father's glory was at its zenith ; and 
when, in consequence of the wisdom of his councils, and 
the vigour and promptitude of his decisions, British va- 
lour reigned triumphant in every part of the globe, 
B 



6 THE LIFE OF A. 1780. 

On the accession of his present majesty, that great 
statesman, in consequence of new arrangements, retired 
from the station which he had so honorably filled, and 
consigning his elder sons to the care of others, he de- 
voted his own time to the education of this his favorite 
child, on a strong and well-founded persuasion (as he 
was in the habit of saying) that " he would one day in- 
crease the glory of the name of Pitt/' 

His classical knowledge Mr. Pitt acquired under the 
care of a private tutor at Burton Pynsent, the seat of his 
father; and the Earl took pleasure in teaching him, 
while still a youth, to argue with logical precision, and 
to speak with elegance and force. He accustomed him 
to the practice of making accurate inquiries respecting 
every subject that caught his attention, and taught him 
not to remain satisfied with a superficial observation of 
appearances. These lessons brought him into an early 
practice of cool and patient investigation, rarely, if ever, 
acquired by those who prefer the trappings of eloquence, 
and the showy ornaments of language, to plain sober 
diction, and pertinent matter of fact. Under such an able 
paternal guide, an acute mind could not fail to imbibe a 
store of sound practical knowledge. The Earl saw in 
his son a future statesman, and, in all probability, a fu- 
ture minister of his country also. It was a laudable am- 
bition, and to gratify it he spared no exertions ; directing 
his whole attention to the great object of rendering his 
son accomplished in all things requisite to form a public 
character, and to preserve the lustre already attached to 
the name of William Pitt. He, himself, frequently en- 
tered into disputations with him, and encouraged him to 
•converse with others, upon subjects far above what could 
be expected from his years. In the management of these 
arguments, his father would never cease to press him 
with difficulties; nor would he permit him to stop, till 
the subject of contention was completely exhausted. By 
being inured to this method, the son acquired that qua- 
lity which is of the first consequence in public life— a 
sufficient degree of firmness, and presence of mind, as 
well as a ready delivery, in which he was wonderfully 
aided both by nature and education. That he might en~ 
joy ail the benefits of instruction which this country could 



A. 178J. WILLIAM PITT. t 

give him, and, at the same time, by a rapid progress in 
the preliminary studies, qualify himself early for the se- 
nate, he was, at between fourteen and fifteen years of 
age, taken from under the private tuition of the Rev. 
Mr. Wilson, and entered at Pembroke hall, Cambridge, 
where he was placed under the tuition of Dr. Turner, 
now Dean of Norwich, and Dr. Pretyman, the present 
Bishop of Lincoln; who, in the dedication of his excel- 
lent elementary work on Christian Theology, has, in 
terms of very affectionate regard, borne the most ho- 
norable testimony, not only to the promising abilities, 
but to the private virtues and amiable dispositions of his 
illustrious pupil. 

Mr. P. was afterwards entered a student at Lincoln's- 
inn, and made so rapid a progress in his legal studies, 
as to be soon called to the bar, with every prospect of 
success. He once or twice went upon the western cir- 
cuit, and appeared as junior counsel in several causes. 

On the dissolution of parliament in September, 1780, 
Mr. Pitt was returned for a borough, at the age of 29. 
Some of his friends at Cambridge proposed that he 
should become a candidate for that University, but he 
declined the honor, because it was not unanimously of- 
fered. The opinion of his talents entertained by his il- 
lustrious father, and the sedulous cultivation the Earl 
had bestowed upon his favorite son, were publicly known. 
The expectations of all ranks and parties were aroused 
in his favor. Mr. Burke's plan of a reform afforded Mr. 
Pitt the opportunity of making his first important speech 
in the House. It will be recollected that Lord North 
was at the head of administration. Mr. P. therefore ap- 
peared on the side of opposition. He did not, however, 
connect himself with any of its members as a party, but 
like his father, he trusted to himself. In the speech 
which he now delivered, Mr. Pitt fully justified the pub- 
lic anticipation, and was considered an important acces- 
sion to parliamentary ability. 

In 1782 terminated the administration of Lord North, 
and during an adjournment that of Lord Rockingham 
was formed. Mr. Pitt had voted against Lord North's 
system and measures, but never for*ned any connection 
with the Rockingham confederacy, and accepted no place. 



8 THE LIFE OF A. 1782. 

Young as this gentleman was, he had studied moral and 
political philosophy more thoroughly than most of the 
ablest men of the time, though of riper experience. He 
had accurately investigated the history, detail and spirit 
of the British constitution, and comprehended its objects, 
principles and actual state: he conceived it to be the 
highest effort of human wisdom, and its support essen- 
tial to the prosperity and happiness of the nation. He 
saw that, notwithstanding the excellence of our polity, 
various corruptions had arisen, and various evils had is- 
sued from its legislature, very pernicious to the country. 
Considering one of the chief advantages of our system 
to be the equipoise of the component estates, he imputed 
recent measures and miscarriages to a derangement in 
the proper balance. Like other young men of lofty ge- 
nius, not yet matured in the practice of affairs, in devis- 
ing a corrective he formed theories which subsequent 
experience could not entirely confirm. There was in 
many parts of the kingdom a disposition of election fran- 
chises totally disproportionate both to numbers and to 
property ; and hence there appeared to be a defect in the 
representation of the commons of England. This ine- 
quality was foivicjed neither on alleged merits, nor pro- 
perty on the part of the electors. In a considerable num- 
ber of boroughs, there was not only a paucity of voters, 
but the few that enjoyed franchises were in such a state 
as. to render them in a great measure dependent on in- 
dividuals. As there were evidently very great abuses in 
the administration of affairs, and as parliament appeared 
in many instances to have sanctioned measures detri- 
mental to the country, it was natural to impute the con- 
duct of part of the majorities to the corrupt influence of 
the crown, and the efficacy of ministerial seduction. To 
remove the supposed source of evil, many patriotic men 
projected a reform in parliament. Lord Chatham had 
been favorable to an alteration in this department of the 
constitution: his son formed the same general opinion. 
He, therefore, resolved to propose some plan for melio- 
rating the representation. Aware, however, of the deli' 
cate ground on which he trod, he proceeded very cau- 
tiously. Intending to investigate facts before he drew a 
conclusion or constructe4 schemes, he confined himself 



A. 1782. WILLIAM PITT 9 

to a motion that a committee should be appointed to in- 
quire into the state of the representation in parliament, 
and to report their sentiments to the house. This was 
however negatived. 

The Rockingham administration was soon after dis- 
solved by the death of the Marquis, and the appointment 
of Lord' Shelburne* in his place; the other members of 
the cabinet resigning their offices, Mr. Pitt accepted the 
office of chancellor of the exchequer. — This year put an 
end to the war with America ; the independence of that 
country being acknowledged, preliminary articles were 
signed on the 30th of November. 

Lord Shelburne, though a man of considerable politi- 
cal knowledge, and particularly distinguished for an inti- 
mate acquaintance with foreign affairs, yet found from 
the great talents of his opponents, who were ranked un- 
der Lord North in one division, and under Mr. Fox in 
another, that without some accession of political strength 
he should be incapable of retaining his situation. De- 
spairing of a re-union with those from whom he had so 
lately separated, he made overtures to the party which 
he had uniformly opposed. Mr. Pitt candidly bestowed 
a just tribute of praise on Lord North, but declared his 
determination never to be a member of a ministry in 
which that statesman should bear a part. It may indeed 
be fairly inferred from the conduct of Mr. Pitt, that he 
thought it wiser to stand upon political talents and cha- 
racter, than to seek the props of coalitions and combina- 
tions. Various reports were now spread concerning the 
intention of both the respective parties and individual 
members ; all eyes were turned to the approaching meet- 
ing of parliament. Parliament having met on the 9th of 
July, for the first time after the change, Mr. Fox under- 
took to explain the motive of his late resignation. It had 
(he said) been understood by Lord Rockingham's friends, 
that Lord Shelburne had, on coming into office, acceded 
to their measures; that he had sacrificed his own opinion 
respecting the independency of America to the senti- 
ments of his colleagues; but Mr. Fox found that totally 
different principles were adopted which he would not 

• r created Marquis of Lansdown and now deceased; 
B2 



10 THE LIFE OF A. 1783. 

then detail, and thought it his duty to resign. He pledg- 
ed himself, when circumstances would admit of a parti- 
cular statement of his reasons, to prove that they were 
well founded. — Mr. Pitt arraigned the conduct of the late 
secretary of state in the severest terms. It was evident, 
he said, from the whole tenor of the__ right honorable 
gentleman's speeches, that he was more at variance with 
men than with their measures. He denied that he had 
adduced any public ground on which his resignation was 
justifiable. He deprecated the fatal consequences of dis- 
sention. He conjured the people to give the ministers 
their confidence till they had shewn that they did not de- 
serve it; and he pledged himself, in the most solemn 
manner, that, whenever he saw things going wrong, he 
would first endeavour to set them right; but failing in 
that effort, he should be the first to relinquish his pre- 
sent political connections. In consequence of the cen- 
sure passed on the peace by the resolutions of the house 
of commons on the 21st of February, 1783, Lord Shel- 
burne quitted his office of first commissioner of the trea- 
sury, and the chancellor of the exchequer declared pub- 
licly in the house, that he only held his place till a suc- 
cessor should be appointed to fill it. A ministerial in- 
terregnum ensued, which lasted till the beginning of 
April. Mr. Pitt then acquainted the house^ that he had 
resigned his office of chancellor of his majesty's exche- 
quer. On the 2d of April a new administration was an- 
nounced, of which the following persons formed the ca- 
binet: the Duke of Portland, Lord North, Mr. Fox, 
Lord J. Cavendish, Lord Keppel, Lord Stormont, and 
the Earl of Carlisle. 

On the 7th of May, Mr. Pitt made a motion respect- 
ing the reform of parliamentary representation ; the 
mode intended last year of examining the subject by a 
committee, was accounted too general, he therefore de- 
signed to bring forward specific propositions. The ob* 
ject of the first was to prevent bribery at elections, the 
second proposed to disfranchise a borough which should 
be convicted of corruption; but that the minority of 
votes should be recompensed: his third proposition was, 
that an augmentation of the knights of shires, and re- 
presentatives of the metropolis should be added to the 



A. 1T83. WILLIAM PITT. II 

state of the representation. He left the number for fu- 
ture discussion, but said he should recommend one hun- 
dred. The arguments both for and against a parliamen- 
tary reform were nearly the same as in the preceding 
session, but the supporters constituted a smaller propor- 
tion; the majority against the reform were two hundred 
and ninety-three, to one hundred and forty-nine. It was 
in this session that the consideration of India affairs first 
afforded to Mr. Dundas an opportunity of completely ex- 
hibiting his powers and habits. During the administra- 
tion of Lord North, his abilities were but imperfectly 
known, because occasion had admitted of only partial 
exertion. He was distinguished as a clear, direct and 
forcible reasoner; but he had not yet shewn his abilities 
as a statesman. In the India inquiry he manifested the 
most patient, constant and active industry to investigate ; 
penetrating acuteness to discover the nature and situa- 
tion of affairs, enlarged views to comprehend their ten- 
dency, and fertile energetic invention to devise regula- 
tions, both for correction and improvement. Mr. Dundas 
indeed, when in opposition to ministers, whose means of 
procuring their offices he did not approve, was far from 
considering invectives against administration, as the 
chief business of a member of parliament. He planned 
and proposed himself, much oftener than he censured 
the propositions and schemes of others. 

Parliament assembled on the 1 1th of November, and 
soon afforded an opportunity of considering the views of 
administration. His majesty's speech was short, but ex- 
tremely comprehensive ; it noticed the treaties of peace, 
the state of the East India affairs, the means of recruit- 
ing the national strength, afforded by the peace, and the 
revenue at large. The primary importance of these 
objects was undeniable, and an address, consonant to the 
speech, was unanimously passed in both houses. Mr. 
Pitt expressed his high approbation of the ends proposed 
by government, though he made some animadversions 
on the tardiness of ministers, in not having been further 
advanced with measures for the accomplishment of such 
momentous purposes. On all these grand subjects he 
counselled them to bring forward great, efficient, and per- 
manent systems: as he highly applauded the ends 



12 . THE LIFE OF A. 1783. 

which they professed to seek — he trusted the means 
which they would devise would be equally meritorious, 
in which case, they should have his warmest support. 
Mr. Fox, impressed with the very highest idea of Mr. 
Pitt's talents, declared nothing could afford him more 
satisfaction as a minister, or proud exultation as a man, 
than to be honoured with the praise and support of Mr. 
Pitt. 

On the 18th of November, Mr. Fox moved for leave 
to bring in his East India Bill: Its objects were to vest 
the whole affairs of the company in commissioners, to 
be appointed by parliament. The first, most strenuous, 
and powerful opposer of the bill was Mr. Pitt. The 
reasons which he urged against it were reducible to two 
heads. The proposed scheme, he said "annihilated 
chartered rights, and created a new and immense body 
of influence unknown to the British constitution. He 
admitted that India wanted reform ; but not such a reform 
as broke through every principle of equity and justice. 
The bill proposed to disfranchise the members, and con- 
fiscate the property of the East India Company; it re- 
quired directors and trustees, chosen by proprietors, for 
the behalf of those constituents, and under their control, 
to surrender all lands, tenements, houses, books, records, 
charters, instruments, vessels, goods, money, and sure- 
ties, to persons over whom the owners were to possess 
no power of interference in the disposal of their own 
property. On what principle of law or justice could 
such a confiscation be defended ? The rights of the com- 
pany were conveyed in a charter, expressed in the clearest 
and strongest terms that could be conceived. It was 
clearer, stronger, and better guarded, in point of expres- 
sion, than the charter of the Bank of England; the right 
by which our gracious sovereign held the sceptre of these 
kingdoms, was not more fully confirmed, nor further re- 
moved from the possibility of all plausible question. The 
principle of this bill once established, what security had 
tne other public companies of the kingdom? What 
security had the Bank of England? What security had 
the national creditors, or the public corporations? or 
indeed, what assurance could we have for the great char- 
ter itself— the foundation of all our privileges, and aft 



A. 1783. WILLIAM PITT. 13 

our liberties. The power, indeed, was pretended to be 
created in trust, for the benefit of the proprietors: No! 
but to a majority of either house of parliament, which 
the most drivelling minister could not fail to secure with 
the patronage of about two millions sterling, given by 
this bill. But the proposition was still more objection- 
able in another way ; it was calculated to increase the in- 
fluence of the minister to an enormous and alarming de- 
gree. Seven commissioners, chosen ostensibly by par- 
liament, but really by administration, were to involve in 
the vortex of their authority the whole treasure of India. 
These poured forth like an irresistible torrent upon this 
country? would- sweep away our liberties, and all we 
could call our own." Mr. Dundas argued on the same 
side, and even charged Mr. Fox with seeking perpetual 
dictatorship. The combined force of philosophy, elo- 
quence and poetry, was employed by Mr. Burke, in sup- 
porting this grand project of his friend, and it was on 
this occasion that he made his celebrated speech on the 
extent and bounds of chartered rights. — The fate of the 
bill is well known — it passed the commons, but was re- 
jected by the lords. 

On the 18th of December, at twelve at night, his ma- 
jesty sent a message to the two secretaries of state, in- 
timatingthat he had no farther occasion for their services, 
and directing that the seals of office should be delivered 
to him by the under-secretaries, as a personal interview 
would be disagreeable. Early the next morning letters 
of dismission, signed Temple, were sent to the other 
members of the cabinet. Immediately the places of 
first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer 
were conferred on Mr. Pitt— thus terminated the coali- 
tion administration, owing its downfall to Mr. Fox's East 
India Bill.* 



* Charles James Fox, the third son of Lord Holland, was born 
J anuary 13, 1749. His father from the very first moment of his ex- 
istence, is said to have exhibited a marked predilection in his fa- 
vour, and to have presaged his future celebrity. At an early age 
he was sent to Eton, under the direction of Dr. Bernard, at that 
time provost; and the late Dr. Newcome, who in 1795 became 
primate of all Ireland, was his private tutor. Here he formed a 
connection with many young noblemen and gentlemen, who have 



14 THE LIFE OF' A. 17*3. 

By the dismissal of ministers the country found itself 
in a new situation j about to be governed by an adminis- 



since distinguished themselves in both houses of parliament: here 
too he exhibited evident marks of superior talents ; but at the same 
time he is said to have developed a taste for dissipation, which 
did not forsake him for many years. Notwithstanding this, as 
his mind was even then always occupied either by pleasure or bu- 
siness, he was accustomed during the vacation to enter into the 
political topics of the day, and converse with full-grown poli- 
ticians and statesmen about national affairs. Nor was this all; 
for he now began to declaim : and while he was thus forced to 
pay some attention to his subject, he at the same time acquired 
that facility of expression, as well as appropi -ate arrangement of 
matter, neither of which is to be attained without much previous 
study. 

On his removal from Eton to Oxford, young Fox was entered 
of Hartford college ; and when he had finished his studies there, 
accompanied his father in a short tour to the German Spa, in the 
course of which he visited some of the great cities on the conti- 
nent. He afterwards made what was then called the grand tour. 

In January 1768, he obtained a seat in parliament as one of the 
members of the borough of Midhurst, in the county of Sussex, 
and soon after commenced his political career, where other states- 
men generally end theirs — by the acceptance of a place. His fa- 
ther, the late Lord Holland, at this period possessed great influ- 
ence, and was confidentially consulted on many trying occasions 
by his present Majesty ; so that he found but little difficulty in 
obtaining for his son, first, the office of a commissioner of the ad- 
miralty, and next a seat at the treasury board. May 6th, 1772^ 

The demise of this nobleman, by whom he was greatly beloved, 
and to whom in return he was fondly attached, produced a consi- 
derable change in his political conduct. Amidst the fascinations 
of pleasure and the charms of wine, he dared at times to think 
for himself; and as the mind of a young man, who had sacrificed 
so many thousands on the altar of Fortune, was not likely to be 
long swayed by the paltry appointments of his office, he at length 
determined to vindicate his character and opinions. His dismission 
which is reported to have been notified in a manner that bordered 
on insult if not injustice, at once piqued his pride, and aroused 
his indignation. f 

The American war, which he uniformly opposed, while he at 
the same time constantly presaged its result, opened a new field 
for his talents and his ambition. We find him uniting with a 
Dunning, a Barre, a Saville, and a Burke, in one house ; with 
a Shelburne, a Rockingham, a Camden, a Chatham, in another: 
in short, with all the men at that time celebrated in England, 
either for talents or integrity. 

On the conclusion of this memorable contest, Lord North was 



A. 1783. WILLIAM PITT. 15 

tration, which a very powerful majority in the house of 
commons thwarted. 



suffered to retire, rather discomfited than vanquished, while the 
new ministry, in which Mr. Fox, now member for Westminster, 
occupied the office of secretary of state, proceeded to a redress 
of some notorious grievances, by excluding contractors from par- 
liament, precluding custom and excise-officers from the exercise 
of the elective franchise and abolishing a number of useless but 
not unprofitable offices. Ireland was at the same time soothed, 
and a general peace meditated ; but the death of the Marquis of 
Rockingham occasioned a fatal schism; and Mr. Fox, who had 
withdrawn his name in the interim, from the subscription houses 
of which he was a member, retired, leaving Lord Shelburne in 
possession of his Majesty's ear, and all the great offices of the 
state. 

A political alliance between Mr. Fox and Lord North, by unit- 
ing two separate and distinct parties into one firm and invincible 
phalanx, brought them both into power. Their administration, 
however, was but short-lived; they having lost the popularity of 
one party, by the coalition, and the majority formed out of both 
by the introduction of the famous bill for regulating the British 
possessions in Asia. 

Since that period, Mr. Fox remained out of power and out of 
place, until the last change of administration. He has, however, 
been actively employed in. discussing all the great events of the 
times. He was indefatigable in his zeal during the trial of Mr. 
Hastings, although the impeachment of the Governor-general of 
Bengal originated in another quarter. 

Of late years he has visited the continent twice. In 1789, he 
had travelled as far as Mantua, when he was brought back by a. 
special messenger, in consequence of the alarming indisposition 
of a great personage ; and in 1804, he had scarcely left Paris be- 
fore he was called upon, in his capacity of a senator, to deter- 
mine relative to the propriety of a new contest with France. 

Mr. Fox has been thirty-seven years a member of the legisla- 
ture, and has now sat in seven following parliaments. 
. As an orator, Mr. Fox is allowed not to be inferior to any man 
either of the present or former age. We shall forbear therefore 
tp insist on that subject. As an author, he is less known. Like 
most young men of fervid imaginations, he began his career with 
poetry; and the following fugitive pieces have been attributed to 
him : An invocation, beginning with 

"O Poverty! of pale consumptive htie — 
" If thou delight'st to haunt me still in view; 
" If still thy presence must my steps attend, 
•* At least continue as thou art, my friend," &c. 

and Lines addressed to Mrs. Crewe, the wife of the late mem- 



t6 THE LIFE OF A. 1784. 

The new prime minister was a young man, in the 
twenty-fifth year of his age, supported by no family in- 
fluence nor political confederacy ; meanwhile addresses 
were pouring in from all quarters to the sovereign, to 
testify the highest satisfaction at the dismission of the 
old and the appointment of the new administration. 

On the 12th of January, 1784, in the midst of the 
measures taken by opposition to prevent a dissolution of 
parliament, Mr. Pitt being pressed to give the house 
some satisfactory assurance that it would not take place, 
refused, declaring that " he would never compromise 
the royal prerogative, nor bargain it away in the house 
of commons." 

On the 1 4th, Mr. Pitt moved for leave to bring in his 
East India Bill, which was, however, rejected by a ma- 
jority of 222 to 214. While this bill was pending, the 

ber for Cheshire. Many other verses with his name prefixed 
have also been occasionally published. 

Of his labours in prose, only one work, we believe has been as 
yet printed. This is " A Letter to the Electors of Westminster," 
in 1793, in which Mr. Fox's conduct and opinions relative to the 
war with France, were fully developed, discussed, and explain- 
ed. It has passed through no less than thirteen editions. 

It is also well known, that he possesses a manuscript history of 
an interesting portion of our annals, to complete which, from au- 
thentic sources, was the principal object of his last journey to 
Fiance. 

Mr. Fox spends part of the vacation in excursions among his 
friends; at Wooburn, the residence of the Duke of Bedford; 
Kolkham, the seat of Mr. Coke ; at Woolbeding, the seat of 
Lord Robert Spencer, &x. In the autumn, he keeps himself in 
exercise by shooting; in summer, by occasionally rowing on the 
Thames. 

He has dedicated a considerable portion of his time to botany. 
He is also fond of horticulture ; and has lately added to his enjoy- 
ments at St. Anne's Hill, by means of a farm. He has now been 
married for some years to a lady, who appears to have contri- 
buted not a little to his happiness, and to whom he lately dedica- 
ted some charming verses, on attaining his 50th year ! 

On the death of Mr. Pitt, a new administration was formed by 
compromise between "the Grenville party" and "the old opposi- 
tion," and Mr. Fox was re-admitted to the privy council, appointed 
Secretary of State for foreign affairs, and a member of the Board 
of Control. Having been obliged to vacate his seat, inconse- 
quence of these appointments in February 1806, he was unani- 
mously re-elected for Westminster. 



\. 1783. WILLIAM PITT. 17 

proposition that a minister ought not to continue in office 
without the support of the commons, was carried in that 
house by 205 against 184; but in the house of peers 
Lord Thurlow insisted that this was a peremptory order 
which the house of commons had no right to issue in 
contravention of the law of the land; for that nothing 
short of an act of parliament, formally passed by the 
three states, had the power of suspending any part of the 
statute or common law of England. 

Mr. Pitt, on the 18th of February, informed the house 
that the King had not, in compliance with the resolution 
of the commons, dismissed his ministers, and that the 
ministers had not resigned. Impartial men had desired 
a coalition which should comprehend the chief talents of 
both sides: With this view a considerable number of 
independent gentlemen met at the St. Aiban's Tavern, 
on-the 26th of January, and drew up an address, recom- 
mending an union of parties. This being signed by 
fifty-three members of the house of commons, was pre- 
sented by a committee to the Duke of Portland and to 
Mr. Pitt. The Duke of Portland answered, he should 
be happy in obeying the commands of so respectable a 
meeting, but that the greatest difficulty to him was Mr. 
Pitt's continuance in office. Mr. Pitt also expressed his 
readiness to pay attention to the wishes of the meeting, 
and co-operate with their intentions to form a stronger 
and more extended administration, if it could be done 
consistently with principle and honour. In the further 
progress of the discussion, the Duke of Portland pro- 
posed, as a preliminary step, that Mr. Pitt should resign, 
in compliance with the resolution of the house of com- 
mons. Mr. Pitt declared that it was inconsistent with 
his principles and sentiments to resign his ministerial 
capacity in the present circumstances. The Duke of 
Portland offered the same preliminary repeatedly, in dif- 
ferent forms; but Mr. Pitt still held it inadmissible, and 
the Duke of Portland continued to insist on it as an in- 
dispensible step; the negotiation, therefore, was sus- 
pended. Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt expressed their senti- 
ments to the house, both appearing impressed with a 
sense of the benefits that might accrue from an united 
administration, but neither would relinquish their re- 
C 



J8 THE LIFE OF A. 1783. 

spective principles. Mr. Fox insisted, that it was uncon- 
stitutional in Mr. Pitt to hold his place after such a vote 
of the house of commons; that therefore he must re- 
sign. Mr. Pitt insisted, that it was not unconstitutional, 
and would not consent to resign — resignation would be 
the virtual admission of a control in the house of com- 
mons which he denied them to possess. The reciprocal 
communications between the Duke of Portland and Mr. 
Pitt were continued, and his majesty even sent a mes- 
sage to the duke, desiring that he and Mr. Pitt should 
have an interview for the sake of forming a new admi- 
nistration; this step, however, failed to produce the de- 
sired effect. 

The address for the removal of ministry was presented 
to the King, on the 25th of February. His majesty in a 
dignified answer, fraught with reason, refused. Every 
attempt to induce the sovereign to sacrifice his choice 
of servants highly approved of by his people, to the mere 
will of the coalition party, unsupported by any constitu- 
tional reasoning was unavailing. On the 9th of March, 
they appeared to have considered themselves as van- 
quished. Thus terminated a contest between a powerful 
confederacy in the house of commons, and the executive 
government, supported by the confidence which the na- 
tion reposed in the talents and character of the principal 
minister. A man less powerful in reasoning would have 
yielded to allegations, so confidently urged, to sophistry 
so plausibly supported, or even to the very authority of 
such illustrious names. A minister, however, endowed 
with intellectual superiority, unless also resolutely firm, 
would have rather conceded what he knew to be right, 
than maintain a contest with so numerous, forcible and 
well disciplined a host, though he knew them to be wrong. 
Without a third advantage, a high degree of estimation 
with the public, success might have been uncertain. On 
the side of Mr. Fox, there were consummate ability, in- 
trepid boldness, fortified by a special confederacy. On 
the side of Mr. Pitt, there was consummate ability and 
firmness, and unquestionable character, which was forti- 
fied by no speciafcombination, but increased, extended, 
And enlarged by that general connection which wisdom, 
virtue, an4 appropriate fame, rarely fail to attach to a 



A. 1734. WILLIAM PITT. fi 

senator or statesman among an informed, distinguishing 
and free people. Mr. Fox, though transcendant in 
genius, sought power by means, which during the two 
preceding reigns, had exalted several ministers of no 
genius. Mr. Pitt secured public confidence, and acquired 
power, by personal qualities. But every impartial well- 
wisher to his country, while he rejoices that Britain ob- 
tained the services of Mr. Pitt, must no less regret that 
she lost those of Mr. Fox. 

On the 24th of March, 1784, parliament was pro- 
rogued, and the next evening it was dissolved by procla- 
mation. 

In the new parliament a very considerable number of 
members friendly to Mr. Pitt was returned, more than 
160 of the former having lost their seats. As far as 
popular opinion can be a test, it was decidedly in favour 
of him and against his opponents. The first ministerial 
efforts of Mr. Pitt were directed to finance. On the 2d 
of June, he brought in a bill for the more effectual pre- 
vention of smuggling; this passed. The commutation 
act was his next measure. It had appeared, before the 
committee on smuggling, that only five millions, five 
hundred thousand pounds of tea were sold annually by 
the East India company, whereas the annual consump- 
tion of the kingdom was believed to exceed twelve mil- 
lions; so that the contraband traific in this article was 
more than double the legal. The remedy which the 
minister devised for this evil, was to lower the duties on 
tea to so small an amount, as to make the trade wholly 
unprofitable, and consequently not worth the pursuit. 
The rate of freight and insurance to the shore was about 
25 per cent, and the insurance on the inland carriage 
about 10 per cent, more, in all 35 per cent. The duty 
on tea, as it then stood, was about 50 per cent, so that 
the smuggler had an advantage over the fair dealer of 1 5 
per cent. As this regulation would cause a deficiency 
in the revenue of about 600,0001. per annum, he pro- 
posed to make it good by an additional window tax. This 
tax, he said, would not be felt as an additional burden, 
but ought to be considered as a commutation, and would 
prove favorable to the subject. But the principal benefit 
which he expected from this measure, was the absolute 



20 THE LIFE OF A. 1784. 

ruin of the smuggling trade, which subsisted almost en- 
tirely on the profit of teas. Another benefit would be 
the timely and necessary relief it would afford to the 
East India company. By this regulation they would find 
a vent for thirteen, instead of five millions of pounds of 
tea, and would be enabled to employ twenty more large 
ships in their service. This bill passed by a majority of 
148 to 40. A third bill was passed for the regulation of 
duties on British spirits and on spirits imported from the 
West Indies. 

The next measures of the minister were a bill to per- 
mit the East India company to divide eight per cent, in- 
terest on their capital — an act to allow the company a 
further respite of duties due to the exchequer, to enable 
them to accept of bills beyond the amount prescribed by 
former acts, and to establish their future dividends — 
these were followed by a bill for the better government 
of the affairs of the East India company. 

The proposed change at home was nearly the same as 
in Mr. Fox's bill. It proposed to leave the management 
of commercial affairs to the company, and to vest the 
territorial possessions in a board of control. Abroad, the 
supreme council and governor general were to have an 
absolute power of originating orders to the inferior pre- 
sidencies, in cases that did not interfere with the direc- 
tions already received from Britain, and of suspending 
members of the other councils, in case of disobedience. 
The supreme government was restrained from offensive 
war or alliances, without orders from home; the subor- 
dinate settlements were prohibited from forming even 
defensive treaties, but with a conditional clause, which 
would render their permanency dependent on the ratifi- 
cation of the governor-general ; the servants of the com- 
pany were required to transmit accounts of all consider- 
able transactions to the council of Bengal, and the supreme 
council to convey speedy intelligence to Britain of every 
important occurrence. In considering the comfort and 
security of the natives, inquiry was ordered to be insti- 
tuted by the different presidencies into the expulsions of 
hereditary farmers, and the oppressive rents and contri- 
butions that have been extorted; and measures were 
directed to be employed for their relief and future tran- 



A. 1784. WILLIAM PITT. 21 

quillity. Various regulations were added, respecting 
the debts of the Nabob of Arcot, and the Rajah of Tan- 
jore, to private individuals and to the company. The 
bill further required an examination into the different es- 
tablishments of the presidencies, for the purposes of re- 
trenchment, and an annual report of the same to be trans- 
mitted to Britain. The proposition also contained both 
the description of delinquency, and the judicial establish- 
ment for its cognizance and punishment. Crimes com- 
mitted by English subjects in any part of India, were 
made amenable to every British court of justice, in the 
same manner as if they had been committed in our im- 
mediate dominions. Presents, except such as were 
merely ceremonial, were forbidden to be received, unless 
by a counsellor at law, a physician, a surgeon, or a chap- 
lain, under the penalty of confiscation of the present, and 
an additional fine at the discretion of the court. Diso- 
bedience of orders, unless absolutely necessary, and pe- 
cuniary transactions contrary to the interests of the com- 
pany, were declared to be high crimes and misdemean- 
ors. The company were forbidden to interfere in favor 
of any person legally convicted of the above crimes, or 
to employ him in their service for ever. The governors 
of the several presidencies were empowered to imprison, 
any person suspected of illicit correspondence, and to 
send him to England if they judged it necessary. Every 
person serving in India was required, within two months 
after his return to England, to deliver in upon oath to 
the court of the exchequer an inventory of his real and 
personal estates, and a copy thereof to the court of direc- 
tors, for the inspection of the proprietors; and should 
the validity of the account be doubted, on any complaint 
to that effect made by the board of control, the court of 
directors, or three proprietors possessing India stock to 
the amount of 10,000/. conjunctively, the court of exche-. 
quer were required to examine upon oath the person ac- 
cused, and to imprison him until he should have satisfac- 
torily answered interrogatories. Neglect or concealment 
were to be punished by the imprisonment of the defen-. 
dant, the forfeiture of all his estates, both real and per- 
sonal, and an incapacity of ever serving the company. 
Tor the more speedy and effectual prosecution of persons 
C2 



22 THE LIFE OF A. 1785. 

in Great Britain, charged with crimes committed in In- 
dia; a court was established, to consist of three judges, 
nominated respectively by the chancery, king's bench 
and common pleas, four peers taken from a list of forty 
(the lists to be chosen by ballot from their respective 
houses), a certain number of whom should be subject to 
peremptory challenge, both by the prosecutor and the 
defendant. The judgment of the court was to extend to 
imprisonment, fine and incapacity of serving the com- 
pany. Such were the outlines of Mr. Pitt's legislative, 
executorial and judicial arrangement for the government 
of India. 

Mr. Pitt now found himself necessarily engaged in the 
laborious business of winding up the accounts of the war, 
and he was compelled by the burden of floating debt, and 
the general state of the national finances, to negociate a 
loan, though in time of peace; but as this measure was una- 
voidable, in order to make the terms as favorable as 
possible, instead of granting enormous profit to private 
or political favorites, he disposed of it to the best bid- 
ders. The principle of impost with which he set out, 
was to bear, as lightly as possible, on the poorer classes. 
On the 2d of August, 1784, the session was ended, by a 
speech from the throne, in which his majesty expressed 
his warmest thanks for the eminent proofs exhibited by 
parliament of zealous and diligent attention to the public 
service. 

Parliament met on the 26th of January, 1785. On 
the 18th of April Mr. Pitt again introduced his plan for 
a reform. Desirous, as the minister professed himself, 
of such a change in the representation, as he conceived 
most consistent with the principles, and conducive to the 
objects of the constitution, he was aware of the danger 
of essays of reform, unless very nicely modified and cir- 
cumscribed. — The leading principle was, that the choice 
of legislators should follow such circumstances as give 
an interest in their acts, and therefore ought, in a great 
degree, to be attached to property. This being establish- 
ed, it was obvious, that as many very respectable towns 
and bodies either had no vote in electing representatives, 
or had not the privilege of chusing a number proportion- 
ed to their property, it would be necessary to disfran- 



A. 1785. WILLIAM PITT. 23 

chise certain decayed boroughs. In relations between 
government and the subject it was a manifest rule in ju- 
risprudence on the one hand) that the interest of a part 
must give way to the interest of the whole ; but on the 
other, that when such a sacrifice is required from a sub- 
ject, the state should amply compensate individual loss 
incurred for the public good. Guided by these maxims, 
Mr. Pitt proposed to transfer the right of chusing re- 
presentatives from thirty-six of such boroughs as had al- 
ready fallen, or were falling into decay, to the counties 
and to such chief towns and cities as were at present un- 
represented ; that a fund should be provided for the pur- 
pose of giving the owners and holders of the boroughs 
disfranchised, an appreciated compensation ; that the 
acceptance of this recompence should be a voluntary act 
of the proprietor, and, if not taken at present, should be 
placed out at compound interest, until it became an ir- 
resistible inducement to such proprietor; he also pro- 
jected to extend the right of voting for knights of the 
shire to copy-holders as well as freeholders, but his pro- 
positions were negatived by a majority of 248 to 174. 

Parliament was this year principally occupied in form- 
ing arrangements for a commercial intercourse between 
Great Britain and Ireland. In the year 1780, the trade 
of Ireland had been freed from the hurtful restrictions 
by which it had long been shackled. In 1782, the in- 
dependence of Irish parliaments had been for ever es- 
tablished. It remained for the legislature of the two 
countries to arrange a system of commercial intercourse, 
which might best promote the advantage of parties so 
nearly connected. Mr. Pitt having received assurances 
of the disposition of the body of the Irish parliament to 
settle their commercial intercourse on the basis of re- 
ciprocity, proposed a plan under two general heads: — 
First, Britain was to allow the importation of the pro- 
duce of our colonies in the West Indies and America into 
Ireland. Secondly, there should be established between 
the two countries a mutual exchange of their respective 
productions and manufactures upon equal terms. A con- 
siderable portion of the session was employed in ex- 
amining merchants and manufacturers upon the various 
details which could elucidate the subject j and after fully 



24 THE LIFE OF A. 1785. 

investigating the evidence, Mr. Pitt, on the 12th of May, 
1785, proposed twenty resolutions, containing a full ex- 
planation of the terms before proposed, and also new re- 
solutions, which arose from the increased knowledge 
that had been acquired. The chief object of the addi- 
tional propositions were to provide, first, that whatever 
navigation laws the British parliament should find it 
necessary to enact, for the preservation of her marine, 
the same should be passed by the legislature of Ireland. 
Secondly, that Ireland should debar itself from trading 
to any of the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope, 
to the Straights of Magellan, so long as it should be 
thought necessary to continue the charter of the English 
East India Company. After three months had been 
chiefly occupied in examining witnesses, and modifying 
the various provisions, the propositions were passed, by 
a large majority, in the house of commons, and after- 
ward's by the lords. On the 28th of July Mr. Pitt pro- 
posed a bill, founded upon them ; this was accompanied 
by an address to the king, in which both houses concur- 
red, containing a statement of what had been done by 
the British parliament, and observing that it now remain- 
ed for the parliament of Ireland to judge and decide up- 
on the proposed agreement. In Ireland national preju- 
dice counteracted national interest ; the clamour against 
the bill was very loud. In these circumstances it was 
deemed by the British legislature inexpedient to proceed 
any further, with overtures so misunderstood and mis- 
represented by the party to whom they were really so 
advantageous. From close connection, Mr. Pitt had 
seen that very great advantages must accrue to both 
countries; commercial intercourse would gradually tend 
to assimilation of character, and produce reciprocity of 
interest; the result of both would be political harmony. 
IT his propositions had been adopted, it is morally cer- 
tain that subsequent events, so calamitous to Ireland, 
would have been prevented. They were however aban- 
doned. 

Introductory to financial details, Mr. Pitt this season 
took a general view of the state of pecuniary affairs, by 
comparing the public income with the public expendi- 
ture. The result of his statement and calculations was, 



A. 1786. WILLIAM PITT. 25 

that there would be such a surplus as would enable par- 
liament to appropriate one million sterling to a sinking 
fund, for the discharge of the national debt. At present, 
however, he had only seen the general practicability of 
the principle, but not having matured measures for such 
an appropriation, he chose to defer a specific plan till 
the following year. On the 8th of August, on a mes- 
sage from the king, parliament was adjourned to the 
27th of October, and afterwards prorogued by proclama- 
tion. British commerce continued to increase and ex- 
tend ; the flourishing state of trade, together with the 
announced project of Mr. Pitt for the discharge of the 
national debt, raised the stocks, in a short time, from 
fifty-four to seventy, in the three per cents consolidated, 
the barometer of the other funds. The mercantile and 
monied interest evidently reposed in the chancellor of 
the exchequer a confidence which they had bestowed up- 
on no minister since the time of his father. They con- 
ceived the highest opinion of his integrity, approved the 
principles on which he was proceeding, and were satis- 
tied with the rapid advances of trade, as well as the in- 
creasing means of enlarging their capital. 

O the 24th of January, 1786, the parliament was as- 
sembled. Without opposing the customary address on 
his majesty's speech, Mr. Fox went into a very wide 
field Gf continental politics. In reply, Mr. Pitt made an 
introductory observation deserving peculiar attention, as 
it very strongly exhibited a prominent feature in the elo- 
quence of his opponent. Mr. Fox, he said, discovered 
most extraordinary dexterity in leaving out of a discus- 
sion such parts belonging to the subject as did not suit 
his purpose to be brought forward, and a similar dex 
terity of introducing, however foreign to the question, 
such matter as he expected would be favorable. Mr. 
Pitt at this time declared an intention, to which, in the 
course of his parliamentary warfare he generally ad- 
hered, that let Mr. Fox range ever so wide into extraneous 
subjects, he should confine his answers to what he con- 
ceived relative to the purpose. 

On the 29th of March, Mr. Pitt brought forward his 
ptans for the reduction of the national debt. A commit- 
tee had been appointed early in the session, in order to 



26 THE LIFE OF A. 1786. 

investigate and exactly ascertain the public income and 
expenditure, and strike the balance; the result of the in- 
vestigation from the income of the year 1785 was, in- 
come 15,379,132/. expenditure 14,478,18 1/. so that a sur- 
plus of more than 900,000/. remained, and on this ba- 
sis Mr. Pitt formed his scheme. He proposed that by 
taxes neither numerous nor burdensome, the balance 
might be raised to a million; by a succinct and clear 
view of our finances he demonstrated, that the excess of 
income beyond expenditure was in the present and fol- 
lowing years likely to increase; but in making his calcu- 
lations he had contented himself with concluding that it 
would not decrease. This million was to be appropriated 
unalienably to the gradual extinction of the national debt. 
Several savings of expense and increase of revenue, es- 
pecially through the customs from the suppression of 
smuggling, would add to the national income: annuities 
would also fall into the same fund, the accumulated com- 
pound added to these sources would, in twenty-eight 
years, if properly managed, produce an annual revenue 
of four millions to the state. For the management of 
this fund; commissioners were to be appointed to receive 
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds quarterly, with 
the full power of employing it in the purchase of stock. 
In chusing persons to be intrusted, Mr. Pilt proceeded 
on his general principle, which had been already exhibit- 
ed in his India bill, that in circumstances which required 
new delegation of executorial power, the trust should be 
vested in men whose official situation presumed their 
competency to the execution of the commission ; the 
speaker of the house of commons, the chancellor of the 
exchequer, the master of the roils, the governor and de- 
puty governor of the bank of England, and accountant 
general, were gentlemen whose nomination he recom- 
mended. After illustrating his calculations, and the ad- 
vantages of his scheme, he compressed the substance into 
the form of a motion. On this subject Mr. Sheridan* 

* The Right Honorable Richard Brimley Sheridan, Member 
of Parliament foir Stafford. The family of this gentleman, has 
been long distinguished for its mental attainments, and literary 
acquirements. His grandfather, the Rev. Thomas Sheridan, 
D. D. was a divine of distinguished merit, and the intimate friend 



A. 1786. WILLIAM PITT. 27 

took a leading part in opposition, and Mr. Fox proposed 
that in a future loan, the commissioners might accept 



of Dean Swift, who may be considered the first of the Irish pa- 
triots. Both his father and mother were also fond of letters ; to 
the one we are indebted for many acute suggestions relative to 
the improvement of the English tongue, while the other endea- 
voured, through the fashionable vehicle of noveis, to inculcate 
that morality which she always practised. 

R. B. Sheridan, their second surviving son, was born in Dor- 
set-street, Dublin, in October 1751 or 1752. He was placed at 
the academy of Mr. Whyte, in that city, while only seven years 
of age, and in his tenth year was sent with his elder brother, to 
Windsor, in Berkshire, by which means he soon lost that pro- 
vincial accent or patois, which is vulgarly termed the brogve. 

In 1762 the Sheridans determined finally on the future system 
of education to be adopted for their children : in consequence of 
this, Charles was to be indulged in domestic tuition, and Dick, 
who had been always intended for public life, was to be sent to 
Harrow, that he might be accustomed " to shift for himself." 

It was there that under the inspection of Dr. Sumner, and the 
immediate tuition of Dr. Parr, the talents, industry, and finally, 
the ambition of our senator were in succession aroused, excited, 
and called forth into action. 

On his entering into the world, he soon discovered that he had 
nothing to expect but from the exertion of his own abilities. He 
accordingly became a member of the society of the Middle Tem- 
ple, ate commons in its noble hall, in the usual manner, and de- 
termined to be called to the bar, with a view of exercising a pro- 
fession not only lucrative in itself, but which leads to all the 
honors of the state. 

He was reserved however for another destiny. 

His family had been long intimate with the Linleys, and Miss 
Eliza, the eldest daughter of the late Patentee of Drury-Lane, 
who was no less celebrated for her mental than her personal ac- 
complishments, was prevailed on, at his earnest entreaty, to give 
him a promise of marriage. She was well known at that period, 
in consequence of her fine taste and admirable execution in the 
science of music, and has been generally allowed by those who 
have witnessed her extraordinary powers, to have been by far 
the best performer of her day. 

After two duels with Mr. Mathews, the latter of which appears 
to have been fought with no common degree of desperation, the 
lady alluded to above became the wife of her protector, and from 
that moment ceased to appear in public. To the honor of Mr. 
Sheridan be it recorded, that notwithstanding fortune did not al- 
ways smile propitious on their union, he uniformly rejected every 
proposal for her re-appearance on the stage. 

It remained for him, therefore, to extricate himself from any 



28 THE LIFE OF A. 1786. 

of as much of it as they could pay from the public mo- 
ney in their hands; and thus, besides a prevention of 



temporary embarrassment that might occur by the exertion of 
his own talents." He accordingly became a man of letters. 

While only eighteen years of age, he is said to have translated, 
in conjunction with a friend, some epistles from one of the Greek 
poets ; and also to have written and published several fugitive 
pieces, to which his name was not prefixed. His verses, how- 
ever, to Miss Linley were known and avowed; and his comedy 
of" The Rivals," after being judiciously curtailed, obtained an 
extraordinary degree of success. This was followed by " The 
Duenna," which, in point of attraction, if not of popularity, 
rivalled, if it did not surpass, the celebrated openflbf Gay. But 
both were eclipsed by "The School for Scandal;" and Mr. S. 
was at length enabled in 1777, when he was only twenty -five years 
of age, to become one of the patentees of Drury-Lane. 

This gentleman, who at the period alluded to had obtained the 
appellation of " The Modern Congreve," now lived in great fa- 
miliarity with Mr. Fox and the first men of the day. At length 
he aspired to be a statesman ; and accordingly offered himself as 
a candidate for the borough of Stafford. In 1782 he was appoint- 
ed \inder secretary of state, when his friend Mr. Fox presided 
over the foreign department, and having retired soon after with 
his principal, returned with him in 1783, in the capacity of joint 
secretary to the treasury, under the Duke of Portland. 

Mr. Sheridan sat in the House of Commons for the first time 
in that parliament which was convoked in 1780. His talents in a 
general point of view were already known, and he soon distin- 
guished himself as an able and accomplished senator. 

The first occasion on which he exerted himself, was in conse- 
quence of the during outrages that about this period took place 
in the metropolis. A military force had been called in, and the 
rioters repressed; but many friends of the constitution consider- 
ed the intervention of the army to be a precedent replete with 
danger and mischief. The speech then delivered by him gave 
an early presage of the character and the talents of the member 
for Stafford and was followed by three distinct motions, seconded 
by General Fitzpatrick, and ably supported by sir George Saville. 

When the coalition ministry were dismissed (December, 1783) 
Mr. Sheridan retired with his friends, and continued out of office, 
and an active member of opposition, until the last change of ad- 
ministration. 

The style of this gentleman's parliamentary speeches is pecu- 
liar, and extremely eloquent. — He is less argumentative than 
brilliant, and his sparkling wit, and frequent employment of anec- 
dote classic allusion, obtain the praise, even of his opponents, 
and often lessen the asperity of political discussion. On the 6th 
of March, 1805, he moved the repeal of " the additional force 



A. 1736. WILLIAM PITT. 29 

that amount of future debt which would be equivalent 
to the redemption of that part, the public would be gain- 
ers by the profits which would accrue from such a loan. 

bill," and after a comparative estimate of the military force of 
the nation in 1804 and 1805, by which he made the augmentation 
of the whole body of the army to consist of only eleven thousand 
men, seven thousand in the foreign corps, and four thousand in 
the cavalry, while there existed a deficiency of eight hundred 
and fifty-six men in the infantry, he maintained " that the bill 
had failed, completely failed ! the returns of the fifty -two counties 
of England and Wales having jointly, under the operation of this 
measure, produced only 1295 men, while out of that number 266 
have deserted or been discharged, leaving 1079 effective soldiers, 
and 343 only have entered for general service : that is to say, the 
right honorable gentleman (Mr. Pitt) with all his machinery, 
has been enabled to raise after the rate of four men and a quarter 
for each county in England ! 

" It does not appear," adds he, "from a particular examination 
of the whole matter, that the parish officers are much worse 
agents, with all their local and sympathetic energies for raising 
men for the army, than the regimental recruiters. It appears, 
however, that they have not been so solicitous to give the King 
a good soldier, as they have been to get rid of a vagrant. Hence, 
in Lancashire, there have been 255 deficient by desertion or 
otherwise. Where the right honorable gentleman's own influ- 
ence was particularly directed, 11 men were procured, all of 
whom deserted ; and in that very district, where his authority 
and popularity are so abundant, where all the people admire him 
as a general, as much as they venerate him as a politician and a 
.statesman— I mean the Cinque Ports — the spot of his own resi- 
dence—he has contrived so far to stimulate martial policy, as to 
have been able to raise one man : 

" At ille leo est." 

" I wish," adds he, " we could get a look at this extraordinary 
fellow; he must be a very Hercules. He is a wonderful recruit 
indeed! This reminds me of the story of Lord Donegal's troop of 
light horse — when a certain general asked, after an engagement, 
1 where Lord Donegal's troop of light horse was?' a man rose up 
and said, ' I am Lord Donegal's troop!' 

" So if you ask where the Dover, Deal, &c. volunteers are, out 
steps a man from the Cinque Ports, and says, < Here lam!" 

The late Mrs. Sheridan died of a decline in 1792, leaving an 
only son, Thomas, now an officer in the army, who acts at present 
in the capacity of aide-de-camp to Lord Moira, and presented 
himself as a candidate for the borough of Liskeard at the last 
general election. 

At the expiration of three years, Mr. S. married Miss Ogle, 
D 



30 THE LIFE OF A. 1786. 

The bill containing the original principle and plan, 
though with some modification of the latter, passed 
through both houses, and received the royal assent. 

The next measure of the ministry was an act to sub- 
ject foreign wines to the excise, by which great and va- 
rious frauds upon the revenue were prevented, which 
passed into a law — but the bill for appointing commis- 
sioners to inquire into the state and condition of the 
woods, forests and land revenues belonging to the crown, 
was rejected. 

The conduct of Mr. Hastings began now to occupy 
the attention of parliament. Mr. Burke delivered twen- 
ty-two charges against that gentleman. On the 4th of 
June, Mr. Pitt acquiesced in the third charge, relative to 
Cheyt Sing, brought by Mr. Fox, and considered the 
proceedings at Benares beyond the exigence of the case. 
It was carried by a majority of 1 19 to 79 that the charge 
contained matter of impeachment. 

The session terminated on the 11th of July. It was 
in this interval of parliamentary duties that Mr. Pitt ma- 
youngest daughter of the late Dr. Newton Ogle, Dean of Win- 
chester, by whom he has also a son. 

Since that period he has purchased Pollesden, near Leather- 
head in Surrey, formerly the residence of Admiral Geary, where 
he occasionally resides. He has also obtained the office of re- 
ceiver general of the duchy of Cornwall, estimated at 12001. per 
annum. 

In private life, Mr. Sheridan has always been considered as a 
charming companion, abounding in wit and talents, and admirably 
calculated to set "the table in a roar." As a public man, his 
conduct has been eminently consistent, and he is to rank amongst 
the first-rate orators of his day. 

It has already been observed, that he spoke for the first time, 
relative to the riots ; but he first distinguished himself in the 
House of Commons, by his defence of Mr. Fox's East India bill, 
added not a little to his reputation by a masterly dissection of the 
Irish propositions, and obtained the meed of general praise by his 
celebrated speech against the late governor-general of India. It 
was the impeachment of Mr. Hastings which fixed his reputation 
on a permanent basis, and enabled him to display a vein of genuine 
eloquence, seldom equalled even in a British senate. 

After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Sheridan was appointed 
treasurer of the navy and a privy counsellor. His son is joint 
muster-master general of Ireland. 



A. 1786. WILLIAM PITT. 31 

tured his noble design of changing the contentious sys- 
tem which had so long prevailed between England and 
France. The means of inducing the two countries to 
pursue objects so conducive to their mutual benefit, he 
thought would be commercial intercourse which should 
reciprocally increase the value of production and labour. 

Before he formed his scheme for promoting an inter- 
course between the two chief nations of the world, he 
made himself thoroughly acquainted with the state of facts, 
the actual productions, and the probable resources of the 
respective countries. For commercial information and 
science, especially the history and actual state of moderrr 
trade, no man exceeded i,ord Hawkesbury. Mr. Eden's 
acuteness and conversancy with every subject of com- 
merce and diplomatic experience, rendered him a most 
valuable auxiliary in digesting and composing the plan at 
home, and the ablest agent for negotiating and conclud- 
ing an advantageous agreement with France. He ac- 
cordingly repaired to Paris; where he conducted and 
completed the desired arrangements with the ministers 
of Louis. 

The treaty in question established reciprocal liberty of 
commerce between the two countries. The subjects of 
each power were to navigate and resort to the dominions 
of the other, without any disturbance, except for trans- 
gressing the laws. The prohibitory duties in each king- 
dom, by enhancing the price, had reciprocally discou- 
raged the sale of their principal commodities ; these 
were now modified to the satisfaction of both by a tariff. 
The wines of France, to be imported into England, were 
subjected to no higher duty than the productions of Por- 
tugal ; the duties on brandies, and various other articles, 
were to be lowered in proportion; and the commodities 
of Britain were to be equally favored in France. On the 
same basis of reciprocity were the articles respecting 
disputes between the mercantile, maritime, or other sub- 
jects of the two countries, and various details of civil, 
commercial and political intercourse, to be adjusted ; the 
right of revising this treaty after the term of twelve 
years, to propose and make such alterations as the times 
and circumstances should have rendered proper or ne- 
cessary, was reserved. In a treaty formed on the basis 



3$ THE LIFE OF .A. 1787. 

of reciprocal freedom of trade, the advantage to the 
contracting parties was, and necessarily must be, in 
the compound rates of their resources and skilful indus- 
try. At first sight, from the climate and soil of France, 
the balance of commercial benefit appeared in favor of 
that country, and so many politicians reasoned with much 
plausibility ; but Mr. Pitt had profoundly considered the 
relative circumstances, and justly concluded that the 
French industry and skill were much more inferior to 
The British industry and skill, than the French soil and 
climate were superior to ours; and thus, that greater 
benefit would accrue to this country from the freedom 
of trade : experience justified his conclusions. Parlia- 
ment met on the 23d of January, 1787.. 

On the 4th of February, the treaty was submitted to 
parliament. After the minister had explained and sup- 
ported the object, spirit, and provisions of this treaty, 
numbers of the opposite side attacked it on a variety of 
grounds. Mr. Fox, in particular, maintained, that France 
was the inveterate and unalterable enemy of Great Bri- 
tain ; no mutual interest could possibly eradicate what 
was deeply rooted in her constitution. The intercourse 
which this treaty would produce, must be extremely 
hurtful to the superior national character of England. 
The nearer the two nations were drawn into contact, and 
'he more successfully they were invited to mingle with 
each other, in the same proportion the remaining morals, 
principles, and vigour of the English national mind would 
be enervated and corrupted. The minister himself con- 
troverted Mr. Fox's position, that France was unaltera- 
bly the enemy of the country. The existence of eter- 
nal enmity was totally inconsistent with the constitution 
of the human mind, the history of mankind, and the ex- 
perience of political societies. Every state recorded in 
history had been at different times in friendship or amity 
with its several neighbours. During the greater part of 
the seventeenth century profound peace had subsisted 
between France and England; there was nothing im- 
probable in an idea that such a system might again pre- 
vail ; but should war again arise, would the treaty de- 
prive us of our natural watchfulness, or our accustomed 
strength ? On the contrary, as it must enrich the nation, 



A. 1787. WILLIAM PITT. 33 

it would also prove the means of enabling' her to combat 
her enemy with more powerful effect ; but it was now 
much less likely that our resources should be called for 
such a purpose, than at former periods. — The treaty un- 
derwent many and various discussions in its passage 
through the two houses, and was approved by a great 
majority of both ; and on the 8th of March, an address 
was presented from the lords, the commons testifying 
their joint approbation of the treaty with France. 

One of the subjects recommended to parliament by 
the speech from the throne, was the consolidation of the 
customs. From the complexity of the whole system, it 
was scarcely possible that a merchant could be acquainted 
by any calculation of his own, with the exact amount of 
what he was to pay. To remedy this great abuse, Mr. 
Pitt proposed to abolish all the duties that now subsisted, 
and to substitute one single duty on each article, amount- 
ing, as nearly as possible, to the aggregate of the various 
subsidies now paid. Mr. Pitt had given severe attention 
to this business ; and had not left one person unconsult- 
ed from whom any information could be obtained, and 
the greatest diligence had been used to circulate the plan 
among the most competent judges of those persons who 
were immediately concerned in its operation and effects. 
The proposed scheme caused no debates, the object was 
so evidently advantageous, and the means so well adapted, 
as to command the concurrence and approbation of the 
whole house.* On the 26th of April, Mr. Pitt presented 
lo the house of commons a bill, stating, that frauds had 
been committed in the collection of the tax on post 
horses, and providing that, as a remedy to the evil, the 
tax should be farmed. The bill passed both houses 
without a division. The labour attending the investiga- 
tion of this subject can only be guessed by the fact of its 
comprehending upwards of 3000 resolutions to be sub- 
mitted to the house. 

* Mr. Burke, who rose immediately after the minister, profes- 
sed that it did not become him, or those who like him unfortu- 
nately felt it to be frequently their duty to oppose the measures 
of government, to content themselves with a sullen acquiescence ; 
but on the contrary, to rise manfully and do justice to themeasure, 
and to return their thanks to its author, on behalf of themselves 
and their country. 

D2 



$1 THE LIFE OF A. 1787. 

On the 23th of March, Mr. Beaufoy, member for 
Yarmouth, at the request of the deputies of the dissent- 
ing congregations in and about London, made a motion 
for taking into consideration the repeal of the corpora- 
tion and test acts. The points which Mr. Beaufoy en- 
deavoured in a long and able speech to prove, were 
chiefly three. — First, that the test act, which constitutes 
the most extensive grievance of which the dissenters 
complain, was not originally levelled against them, and 
that the causes which dictated the corporation act have 
ceased to operate. The second fact which Mr. Beaufoy 
wished to substantiate was, that every man having an 
undoubted right to judge for himself in matters of reli- 
gion, he ought not, on account of the exercise of that 
right, to incur any punishment, or to be branded with a 
mark of infamy; that the exclusion from military ser- 
Tice and civil trusts was both a punishment and an op- 
probious distinction. Lastly, he dwelt much upon the 
impropriety and scandal of profaning a most sacred and 
awful sacrament, by mixing it with concerns that were 
merely temporal; and noted the distressing situation in 
which it placed the clergy, who were under the neces- 
sity of giving it .to all who offered themselves for the 
purpose of qualification, or of avoiding grievous prose- 
cution. 

He concluded with moving, that a committee of the 
whole house should take into consideration so much of 
the acts referred to, as require persons, before they are 
admitted into any office or place in corporations, or hav- 
ing accepted any office, civil or military, or any place of 
trust under the crown, to receive the sacrament of the 
Lord's supper, according to the rites of the church of 
England. 

Mr. Pitt opposed the motion, and began by marking 
the difference between civil and religious liberty on the 
one hand, and political trusts on the other. The former 
every good constitution of government must secure to 
all its subjects ; the latter was bestowed with discrimi- 
nation, according to individual qualification and disposi- 
tion, of which the community had the right of judging 
by any rule that it thought expedient. The test was 
merely the condition in which it would admit service •, 



A. 1787. WILLIAM PITT. 35 

and none could be aggrieved by an exclusion arising 
from himself. The present, therefore was not a question 
of grievance and redress, but simply of policy. 

On this question only, legislation had to deliberate. 
Was it expedient on the present circumstances, senti- 
ments, and principles of the dissenters, for the nation to 
employ them in certain specified offices. To such an 
inquiry, every recapitulation of former history was ex- 
traneous ; a repeal might have been wise in the time of 
Charles II, and unwise in the reign of George III. The 
dissenters were, undoubtedly, a body of men, who were 
entitled to the consideration of parliament, but there was 
another class equally as respectable and more numerous, 
whose fears on this occasion would be alarmed. Many 
members of the church of England conceived that the 
ecclesiastical part of our constitution would be seriously 
injured, and their apprehensions were not to be treated 
lightly. If he were arguing on. principles of right, he 
should not talk of alarm ; but he had already said, he 
was arguing upon principles of expediency. The church 
and state were united upon principles of expediency and 
it concerned those, to whom the well being of the state 
was entrusted, to take care that the church should not 
rashly be demolished. The persons who now applied, 
declared that they meant nothing political by their appli- 
cation ; but he must look at human actions to find out 
the springs. Highly as he thought of many of the pre- 
sent dissenters, he could not but observe there were per- 
sons among them, who would not admit that any esta- 
blishment was necessary ; and against such it became 
the legislature to be upon their guard. Doctor Priestley, 
whose abilities and learning were very high, and whose 
opinions were received as oracles by a certain class of 
dissenters, had proclaimed enmity against the church. 
Sectarians, said Dr. P. were wisely placing as it were, 
grain by grain, a train of gunpowder, to which the match 
would one day be laid to blow up the fabric of error, 
which could never be again raised upon the same foun- 
dation. When he saw proceedings, intended to subvert 
so important a part of cur polity, he thought circum- 
spection and vigilance absolutely necessary : when there 
was an avowed design to sap the fortress; it became the 



36 THE LIFE OF A. 1787. 

duty of the garrison to secure the outposts: the dissent- 
ers already enjoyed every mental freedom to serve God 
according to their conscience, in the most ample degree: 
what they now required, was inexpedient and dangerous^ 
These sentiments deeply impressed the house, and on a 
division, the proposition of Mr. Beaufoy was negatived 
by a majority of one hundred and seventy-eight to one 
hundred. 

On the 7th of February, Mr. Sheridan opened the 
third article of accusation against Mr. Hastings. It is 
impossible to do justice to this celebrated speech,* which 
occupied the extraordinary time of five hours and a half. 
On the 2d of April, various other accusations were exa- 
mined, and the impeachment was at length voted. When 
the form in which that inquest should be carried on, be- 
came a subject of consideration, Mr. Fox proposed, that 
there should be a general charge of impeachment; Mr. 
Pitt, that they should separate and analyze the charges, 
since the accusation consisted of many allegations, which 
had not been substantiated, and of many facts which 
could not be considered as criminal r that thus each part 
should be tried by its distinct and individual merits. Mr. 
Burke and Mr. Sheridan coincided with the minister, and 
his plan was adopted. 

On the 30th of May, parliament was prorogued. It 
was during this summer that Holland was distracted with 
internal dissention. — The part taken by surrounding na- 
tions will be remembered by all ; but when the king of 
France announced to the cabinet of England that he had 
determined to afford to the states of Holland the assist- 
ance which they had requested; our king declared to 
France, that if she interposed forcibly, Britain should 

* The late Mr. Logan, well-known for his literary efforts, and 
author of a most masterly defence of Mr. Hastings, went that 
day to the house of commons, prepossessed for the accused and 
against the accuser. At the expiration of the first hour, he said 
to a friend, "All this is declamatory assertion without proof;'* 
when the second was finished, " This is a most wonderful ora- 
tion;" at the close of the third, " Mr. Hastings has acted very 
unjustifiably ;" the fourth, " Mr. Hastings is a most atrocious 
criminal ;" and at the last, " of all monsters of iniquity the most 
enormous is Warren Hastings." 



A. 1788. WILLIAM PITT. 37 

take an active part, and he gave immediate directions for 
augmenting his fleet and army. A powerful armament 
was equipped with uncommon expedition, A decisive 
and grand tone, worthy of mighty power supporting con- 
scious justice, produced the desired effect, and France 
made no hostile effort to support the revolutionary fac- 
tion. This was the first occasion that displayed the ge- 
nius and energy of Mr. Pitt in foreign policy, and pro- 
cured him general admiration abroad and at home. 

The house met again on the 27th of November. The 
conduct of Mr. Pitt respecting Holland was extremely 
popular among all parties throughout the kingdom ; and 
in both houses it experienced the same unanimous com- 
mendation. Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Sheridan, 
perfectly coincided with him and his friends in the gene- 
ral principle of interference in continental affairs to pre- 
serve the balance of Europe. 

The most important measure of this session, was a 
bill introduced by Mr. Pitt, to explain doubts which had 
arisen concerning a part of the law of 1784, for the ad- 
ministration of British India. The bill related to the pay 
and subsistence of British troops in India. After much 
and violent opposition, it was carried by a majority of 54, 
and thus it was declared that the commissioners, being 
instituted for the territorial administration of India by the 
act of 1784, possessed a directorial, as well as controling 
power, in whatever was necessary to the effectual execu- 
tion of the trust reposed in them by the act of 1784. 

On the 5th of May, 1788, the financial plan for the 
year was proposed by Mr. Pitt. The minister observed 
that several extraordinary expenses had been necessarily 
incurred, but nevertheless the receipts of the country had 
fully answered even unforeseen demands, without devi- 
ating from the plan which the legislature had adopted for 
diminishing the national debt. When such were the sav- 
ings in a year of unusual expense, as our resources were 
fast increasing in the extension of commerce, and the 
improvement of revenue, we may most firmly infer, that 
our financial concerns were in a state of progressive me- 
lioration ; no new taxes were imposed, but a lottery was 
appointed. It was also in this session that the question 



3* THE LIFE OF A. 17a*. 

on the slave trade was first agitated in the house. A 
committee of the privy council had been employed in 
investigating facts. Mr. Pitt finding that sufficient in- 
formation to authorise parliamentary discussion had not 
been collected, on the 9th of May proposed that the con- 
sideration of the slave trade should be deferred till next 
session. 

During the recess, the war which had raged between 
the emperors of Russia and Germany in confederate 
league, and the Turks, had given rise to a new disposi- 
tion of things upon the continent. At this crisis a triple 
alliance was formed, which bound Great Britain, Prus- 
sia, and the republic together, to reciprocal succour and 
defence; upon this point Mr. Pitt again differed from 
Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox's project of continental alliance was 
to connect ourselves with Austria, that should a war 
arise with France, such a powerful enemy might divide 
her attention, and prevent it from being directed to ma- 
ritime affairs. Mr. Pitt's plan was to form continental 
alliances according to existing situations. France was 
engaged in no scheme of policy, likely to affect the ge- 
neral safety of Europe. The emperor was so involved 
in the designs of Catharine, that an alliance with him 
would be impracticable, except at the expense of second- 
ing the attempts of Russia. In the formidable combina- 
tion between these two powers, that nation became na- 
turally the ally of Britain, which had a common interest 
in preventing the aggrandizement of the parties. 

The attention of parliament (which met without sum- 
mons on the 20th of November, agreeably to the proro- 
gation) w T as called to a very calamitous subject. This 
was the mental derangement of the sovereign, arising, 
as it was said, from the effects of fever. The house ad- 
journed for a fortnight, till the fact should be ascertain- 
ed. It appeared from the evidence of his majesty's phy- 
sicians, who were examined by the privy council, that a 
temporary incapacity existed. The house met, and Mr. 
Pitt moved for a committee to search into precedents. 
Mr. Fox objected to a committee for such a purpose, as 
nugatory, and contended that the heir apparent, being of 
full age and capacity, had as indisputable a claim to the 



A. 1788. WILLIAM PITT. » 

exercise of the executive power, in the name and on be- 
half of the sovereign, during the continuance of such in- 
capacity, as in case of his natural demise. Mr. Pitt com- 
bated his doctrine, as totally inconsistent with actual his- 
tory and the spirit of the constitution. There were, he 
admitted, no precedents applicable to this specific case 
of incapacity; but whatever disability had at any time 
arisen in the executive branch, as the history of the 
country shewed, had been supplied by parliament. When 
the regular exercise of the powers of government was, 
from any cause, suspended, to whom could the right of 
providing a remedy for the existing defect devolve, but 
to the people, from whom all the powers of government 
originated ? To assert an inherent right in the Prince of 
Wales to assume the government, was virtually to re- 
vive those exploded ideas of the divine and indefeasible 
authority of princes, which had justly sunk into contempt 
and almost into oblivion. Kings and princes derive their 
powers from the people, and to the people alone, through 
the organ of their representatives, did it appertain to de- 
cide in cases for which the constitution had made no 
specific or positive provision. On these grounds, Mr. 
Pitt insisted that the prince had no more right to be ap- 
pointed to supply the existing deficiency than any other 
subject; though he admitted that in the present case, ex- 
pediency dictated that parliament should offer him the 
regency ; substitution of another to execute the office of 
king, during a temporary incapacity, was merely a mea- 
sure of necessary policy: It was incumbent on legisla- 
ture to entrust the authority to such a person or persons, 
as it should deem most likely to answer the purpose: 
After these observations, the question being put, it was 
carried that a committee should be appointed to search 
for precedents. 

Mr. Fox, at the next meeting entered upon an expla- 
nation of his meaning, and said, that his expressions on 
a former day had been misrepresented; his position, 
which he was still ready to maintain; was, that the houses 
of parliament had the right to adjudge the fact of inca- 
pacity, but on such adjudication the heir apparent had 
the right of holding the reins of government whilst the 



40 THE LIFE OF A. 1788. 

incapacity lasted; as, however, Mr. Pitt agreed with him, 
that in the present circumstances the prince was the per- 
son who ought to hold that office, it would be much more 
prudent to abstain from discussing such nice and subtle 
distinctions. Mr. Pitt replied that he differed as much 
from Mr. Fox, respecting the question of right, now that 
he had explained his meaning, as before such an expla- 
nation. Mr. Fox, he said, now asserted, that the Prince 
of Wales had a right to exercise the royal authority, un- 
der the present circumstanGt-s of the country ; but that 
it was a right not in possession, until the prince could 
exercise it on what he called the adjudication of parlia- 
ment. He, on his part, denied, that the Prince of Wales 
possessed any right whatever. This was a very impor- 
tant question, and must be decided before they could pro- 
ceed any further; there might be difference of opinion, 
whether any regency was necessary yet, and a difference 
of opinion, might arise, if necessary, what were the pow- 
er requisite to be granted to the regent ; but nothing 
could be determined till the matter of right should be dis- 
cussed. He not only challenged Mr. Fox to adduce 
either precedent or law to support his doctrine, but ac- 
tually shewed from history that such a claim of right had 
been made, and had been refuted by parliament. In the 
reign of Henry VI, the Duke of Gloucester, next heir 
to the crown, claimed the regency during the minority 
of the king, and applied to parliament; the answer to 
this claim was, that he neither had by birth, nor by the 
will of his brother, any right whatever to the exercise of 
royal authority ; they, however, appointed him regent, 
and entrusted him with the care of the young king. At 
the revolution, parliament proceeded on the same gene- 
ral principle; the king had ceased to act; to supply this 
deficiency, parliament acted as legislators; they did not 
restrict themselves to a simple address to the Prince of 
Orange to accept the crown; they felt not only that they 
must have a king,but they must have aking on certain terms 
and conditions ; theydid what amounted to a legislative act ; 
they came to a resolution to settle the crown, not on the 
Prince of Orange and the heirs of his body, nor on the Prin- 
cess Mary and her heirs, but on the Prince and Princess 
jointly. Here it was evident that whatever the necessity of 



A. 1789. WILLIAM PITT. 41 

the case required at that time, the lords and commons pos- 
sessed the power to provide for it, and consequently pos- 
sessed the power to supply the deficiency. Mr. Pitt propo- 
sed on the 1 6th of Dec. three resolutions : the first stating 
his majesty's present unfitness for performing the func- 
tions of the kingly office; secondly that the lords and 
commons had a right to provide for that case, and were 
in duty bound to make such provisions; thirdly, that the 
lords and commons should determine on the most effec- 
tual means of exercising their right, by vesting the pow- 
ers and authority of the crown on behalf of the king du- 
ring his majesty's illness. — After a long debate, the re- 
solutions were voted. 

The preliminary subjects having been discussed by 
both houses, Mr. Pitt, before he explained his plan of 
the regency to parliament, submitted its outlines to the 
Prince in a letter; they were, that his highness should 
be empowered to exercise the royal authority in the name 
and on the behalf of his majesty, during his majesty's 
illness, and to do all acts which might legally be done by 
his majesty. The care of his majesty's person, the ma- 
nagement of the household, and the direction and ap- 
pointments of the officers and servants therein should be 
in the queen, under such regulations as might be thought 
necessary. The power to be exercised by his highness 
should not extend to the disposal of either real or per- 
sonal property of the king (except in the renewal of 
leases) to the bestowal of any pension, the reversion of 
any office, or any appointments whatever, but during his 
majesty's pleasure, except those granted by law for life; 
that his highness should not be empowered to confer the 
dignity of the peerage on any person, except his majes- 
ty's issue who had attained the age of twenty-one years. 
In reply, his highness expressed his disapprobation of 
the plan and reasons, but deemed it incumbent on him 
to accept the office. 

On the 16th of January, 17S9, this plan was submitted 
to parliament; it experienced a violent opposition; and 
in the house of lords all the princes of the blood royal 
voted against the minister. The resolution nevertheless 
passed, and a regency bill was brought in on the 6th of 
February, on the 12th it passed, and was carried to the 
E 



42 THE LIFE OF A. 1789. 

lords and read a second time. It will be remembered 
that his majesty's recovery rendered the third reading 
unnecessary. Nothing important to the subject of these 
annals passed in the remainder of the session. The 
shop-tax was indeed repealed, and tobacco subjected to 
the excise. On the 1 1th of August the house rose. 

The reader will recollect, that the French revolution 
had for some time agitated the minds of surrounding 
nations. England seemed disposed to congratulate her 
ancient rival upon the dawn of her liberty. Its principal 
advocates were the admirers of republican forms of go- 
vernment, and those who were willing to cast an odium 
upon monarchy by attributing all the wars which have 
desolated the world, to the ambition and avarice of prin- 
ces. Such were the zeal and activity of the French 
agitators, that there was no part of Europe in which their 
agents were not established for the purpose of dissemi- 
nating their principles. Great Britain and Ireland offered 
the fairest field to the industry of these missionaries. It 
was not neglected, and was cultivated not without suc- 
cess. Active and zealous partizans were found to co- 
operate with them. Nor was this confined to individuals ; 
but various political societies, of more or less anciept 
denomination, made it their business to propagate their 
principles, and recommend their example. The nobility 
of France had not been long proscribed and the church 
plundered, nor the king many days led captive to Paris, 
before letters of congratulation were sent from several 
of these societies in both kingdoms, and a regular official 
correspondence opened between them and the leaders in 
France. In the transactions of these societies, the means 
by which the revolution was carried on and effected, if 
not always praised, were yet pronounced to be sanctified 
by the end ; the example was recommended as a glorious 
pattern for the imitation of mankind, and sanguine ex- 
pectations were held out, that it was but the first, though 
an essential and leading step to the general emancipation 
of Europe. That these public declarations might not 
miss their effect upon the minds of the people, they were 
accompanied with comparisons between the august per- 
fection of the new French constitution, and the imper- 
fections of our own ; and the palm of having so soon 



A. 1790. WILLIAM PITT. 43 

outstripped their ancient rivals in the glorious race of 
freedom, was conceded with regret and humiliation. At 
the same time the press teemed with publications which 
were distributed gratis, and circulated not only among 
the lower class of the community, but through the army 
and the navy. In these writings the people were invited 
to form themselves into clubs and societies, after the 
manner of the French ; and many were actually formed 
in a great number of the most populous towns of the 
kingdom, avowedly affiliated, to use an expression of their 
own, by the democratic clubs in France. 

Such was the state of things previous to the meeting 
of parliament, which took place on Thursday, the 2 1st 
day of January, 1790. On the 9th of February, when 
the military estimates were reported from the commit- 
tee, a debate took place, in which Mr. Fox having a 
second time let fall some expressions of applause of the 
French revolution, Mr. Burke rose, and in a speech 
fraught with political sagacity, the strongest argument, 
and the finest imagery, unfolded his view of the great 
political phenomenon, which he characterised as an irra- 
tional, unprincipled, proscribing, plundering, ferocious, 
bloody and tyrannical democracy. He observed, that 
the very worst part of the example set us in France, was 
the late assumption of citizenship by the army. As this 
opinion was in direct opposition to the sentiments of Mr. 
Fox, Mr. Burke expressed the great regret he felt in 
differing from his right honorable friend; and after 
pronouncing a very fine panegyric upon his superior 
abilities, and bearing testimony to the natural modera- 
tion, disinterestedness, and benevolence of his disposi- 
tion, he begged the house to judge from his coming for- 
ward to mark an expression or two of his best friend, 
how anxious he was to keep the distemper of France 
from the least countenance in England, where, he was 
sure, some wicked persons had shewn a strong disposi- 
tion to recommend an imitation of the French spirit of 
reform. Were he opposed to any, the least tendency 
towards the means of introducing a democracy like theirs, 
as well as to the end itself, that he would abandon his 
best friends, and join with his worst enemies, to oppose 



44 THE LIFE OF A. 1790. 

cither the means or the end. This speech of Mr. Burke, 
was received with great and general applause. 

On the 2d of March, Mr. Fox renewed the application 
to parliament for the repeal of the test act. It was op- 
posed in a long and able speech by Mr. Pitt. He began 
by expressing his obligations to Mr. Fox, far his clear 
aiid candid statement of the precise object of the dis- 
senters in their present application, and on the full ex- 
tent to which his motion was intended to be carried. 

The next question of importance which engaged the 
consideration of the house of commons, was a motion 
made by Mr. Flood, on the 4th of March, for leave to 
bring in a bill to amend the representation of the people 
in parliament. Mr. Pitt said, he had brought forward, 
some years back, a proposition of the same nature; to 
which the opposition had been successful, though the 
times and a variety of other circumstances were then 
more favorable than at present. The chief objection 
then, was the danger of innovation; and it was a know- 
ledge of the impression that argument had made, which 
rendered him desirous of waiting till some more favora- 
ble moment than the present should offer itself, when he 
most certainly should again submit his ideas to the house. 
At present, unless the right honorable gentleman would 
consent to withdraw his motion, he should move to ad- 
journ. Mr. Flood withdrew his motion. — Subjects of 
revenue occupied the chief attention of parliament during 
the session. 

In April, 1790, Mr. Pitt opened his scheme of finance 
for the year. Having stated the prosperous situation of 
the country, to prove and illustrate his position, he re- 
capitulated the extraordinary expenses defrayed in 1789, 
in addition to the regular establishment. Notwithstand- 
ing these unforeseen demands, though we had borrowed 
only one million, we had paid six millions of debt. The 
increase of revenue, which had thus liquidated so many 
and great charges, originated in two permanent causes, 
the suppression of smuggling and the increase of com- 
merce. On the 5th of May, Mr. Pitt brought down to 
the house his majesty's message on the dispute with 
Spain, relative to Nootka Sound. He declared that, much 
as we wished for peace, we must be prepared for war, if 



A. 1791. WILLIAM PITT. 45 

Spain refused satisfaction. On this occasion Mr. Pitt 
had the cordial support of Mr. Fox and the unanimous 
concurrence of the house. The session closed on the 
10th of June, and parliament was dissolved the next day. 
On the 24th of July, the Spanish government issued a 
declaration, which, by yielding to the claims of the king 
of England, put an end to warlike preparations. The 
convention completed the satisfaction of the nation, who 
deemed it equally honorable and advantageous to Britain 
as the minister had obtained every compensation which 
justice could demand. 

The new parliament met on the 26th of November 
1790. In the course of this busy session two messages 
were delivered from his majesty, which gave rise to many 
warm and important debates, affecting, and yet likely to 
affect the politics of this country and all Europe. The 
first, in order of time, related to the government of Ca- 
nada, the regulation of which province had confessedly 
been long under the consideration of the king's ministers, 
and had been cursorily brought to the notice of the house 
in former sessions. The Quebec bill, which arose out 
of this message, proceeded regularly through the house 
for six weeks unopposed. It was still in its silent pro- 
gress when the other message was delivered, on the 28th 
of March, 1791. It imported, that "as his majesty's en- 
deavours, in conjunction with his allies, to bring about a 
pacification between Russia and the Porte had proved in- 
effectual, his majesty had judged it requisite, for the 
purpose of adding weight to his representation, to make 
some farther augmentation to his naval force. The in- 
dications of enmity to this country, joined to Catharine's 
ambitious projects, strongly impelled the British govern- 
ment to prevent the encroachments of the Russian court. 
Britain and her allies adhered to their purpose, of in- 
ducing or compelling Catharine to restore the conquest. 
Finding pacific negotiations unavailing, the defensive 
alliance projected more effectual uneasiness. The mes- 
sage coming under consideration, Mr. Fox opposed hos- 
tile interference. The forcible eloquence; of that great 
statesman coinciding with the immediate interests of 
merchants and manufacturers* impressed those bodies 
E2 



46 THE LIFE OF A. 1791. 

of men very powerfully. Their sentiments were rapidly 
and widely diffused through the nation, and rendered the 
people in general inimical to a Russian war. The ad- 
ministration of Mr. Pitt had never encountered so rude 
a shock as from this discussion. Yet it is probable, that 
had he been at liberty to divulge all which he then knew 
of the danger hanging over the North, and which subse- 
quent events have unfolded to the world, his conduct 
might have been viewed in a Very different light; at 
least, we have reason to suppose, from the recent lan- 
guage of his most violent opponents, who, when it was 
too late, would have urged an actual war in defence of 
Poland. But while he acted from his knowledge, par- 
liament and the people were under the necessity of judg- 
ing from their own. Their sense was intelligibly de- 
clared against him: he acknowledged, and obeyed it. 

Mr. Pitt's Quebec bill, in its latter stages, gave occa- 
sion to the public declaration of a breach between Mr. 
Fox and Mr. Burke, which was the forerunner of a more 
serious, because much more extensive schism in the 
party of opposition. The slave trade underwent this 
year a much more complete discussion than when it was 
formerly agitated. Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox took the same 
side, but their efforts were ineffectual. A vote for a gra- 
dual abolition passing, Mr. Pitt, who had invariably sup- 
ported the measure of abolition, not merely as a minis- 
ter, but as a man feeling for all mankind, in a speech, 
fraught with argument and eloquence, conjured the 
house not to postpone, even for an hour, the great and 
necessary work of abolition. " Reflect, said Mr. Pitt, 
on the 80,000 persons annually torn from their native 
land! on the connections which are broken! on the 
friendships, attachments, and relationships that are burst 
asunder. — There is something in the horror of it that 
surpasses all the bounds of imagination. How shall we 
repair the mischiefs we have brought upon that conti- 
nent? If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we re- 
fuse, even now, to put a stop to them, how greatly ag- 
gravated will be the guilt of Britain ! Shall we not rather 
count the days and hours that are suffered to intervene, 
and to delay the actjomplishment of such a work ; I trust 



A. 1791. WILLIAM PITT. 47 

we shall not think ourselves too liberal if we give to 
Africa the common chance of civilization with the rest 
of the world. If we listen to the voice of reason and 
duty, and pursue, this night, the line of conduct which 
they prescribe, some of us may live to see a reverse 
of that picture from which we now turn our eyes with 
shame and regret. We may behold the natives of Afri- 
ca engaged in the calm occupations of industry, in the 
pursuits of a just and legitimate commerce. We may 
behold the beams of science and philosophy breaking in 
upon their land, which, at some happy period, in still 
later times, may blaze with full lustre ; and, joining their 
influence to that of pure religion, may illuminate and in- 
vigorate the most distant extremities of that immense 
continent. Then may we hope, that even Africa, though 
last of all the four quarters of the globe, shall enjoy at 
length, in the evening of her days, those blessings which 
have descended so plentifully upon us in a much earlier 
period of the world. 

Nos primus equis oriens ajjlavit anhelis ; 

Jllic sera rubens accendit lumina vesper. 
In this view, as an atonement for our long and cruel in- 
justice towards Africa, the measure now before the house 
most forcibly recommends itself to my mind. The great 
and happy change to be expected in the state of her in- 
habitants is, of all the various and important benefits of 
the abolition, in my estimation, incomparably the most 
extensive and important." The session concluded on the 
10th of June, without any other occurrence worthy of 
remark. 

Great and important as were the progressions of the 
public opinion in 1791, to arrest the attention of the phi- 
losophical observer, the events in England were not nu- 
merous. The principle of Britain, manifested not only 
in her declarations to foreign powers, but in her uniform 
conduct, was, that an internal change in the political sys- 
tem of any country did not justify the interference of 
neighbouring nations, unless that internal change led its 
votaries to aggression. 

This principle, acted upon so long as it was possible, 
shew very forcibly the sentiments of the subject of these 



43 THE LIFE OF A. 1792. 

annals, upon the greatest question of his life, and may- 
assist in rescuing his name from the aspersions of his 
and his country's enemies. 

Parliament met January 31, 1792. Nothing occurred 
of interest till Mr. Pitt produced his budget on the 17th 
of February, when the chancellor of the exchequer en- 
tered upon the subject in a committee of the whole house, 
and delivered a splendid speech, which was heard with 
general admiration by the house, and read with avidity 
by people of all descriptions, in every part of the king- 
dom. The amount of the permanent revenue, with the 
land and malt duties annexed, from Jan. 1791 to Jan. 
1792, he estimated at 16,730,0001. being 300,0001. more 
than the aggregate of the preceding year. The perma- 
nent expenditure, including the interest of the debt, the 
annual million applied towards its extinction, the civil 
list, and the military and naval establishments, he calcu- 
lated at 1 5,8 10,0001. leaving a clear surplus of more than 
900,0001. In this state of things he thought himself au- 
thorized to propose the repeal of a part of the more bur- 
densome taxes, to the amount of about £00,0001. per 
ann. and at the same time to apply the sum of 400,0001. 
to the reduction of the national debt, in aid of the annual 
million appropriated by parliament. This- would still 
fall far short of his estimate of the national ability, and 
there was good ground to believe that we had not reach- 
ed, by many degrees, the summit of our prosperity. 
When the debentures to the American loyalists should 
be discharged, which would happen in about four years, 
an addition of near 300,0001. would accrue to the revenue. 
In consequence of the general improvement of credit, 
the three per cents, would soon rise so high as to enable 
the parliament to effect a reduction of the four, and, as 
soon as by law redeemable, of the five per cents, which 
would add the sum of 700,0001. or little less to the sink- 
ing fund. The indefinite additions which might be ex- 
pected from the enormous produce of the existing taxes, 
the result of our rapidly increasing commerce, must 
mock all calculation. Our exports had arisen one third 
in value since the year 1783, i. e. from 14,741,0001. to 
20,120,0001. and our internal trade had increased in at 
least an equal proportion. Thus shall we be enabled to 



A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 49 

make a swiftly accelerated progress in the essential work 
•f liquidating the national debt, and in a very short time 
to reach a point which* perhaps, not long since was 
thought too distant for calculation. On the continuance 
of our present prosperity it is, indeed, impossible to 
count with certainty; but, unquestionably, there never 
was a time when, from the situation of Europe, we might 
more reasonably expect a durable peace than at the pre- 
sent moment. After developing with much ability and 
sagacity the hidden but operative springs of the return- 
ing prosperity of the country, the minister concluded 
with the following memorable words : " From the result 
of the whole I trust I am entitled to infer, that the scene 
which we are now contemplating, is not the transient 
effect of accident, not the short-lived prosperity of a day, 
but the genuine and natural result of regular and per- 
manent causes. The season of our severe trial is at an 
end ; and we are at length relieved, not only from the 
dejection and gloom which a few years since hung over 
the country, but from the doubt and uncertainty which, 
even for a considerable time after our prospect had be- 
gun to brighten, still mingled with the hopes and expec- 
tations of the public. We may yet, indeed, be subject 
to those fluctuations which often happen in the affairs of 
a great nation, and which it is impossible to calculate or 
foresee ; but as far as there can be any reliance on hu- 
man speculations, we have the best ground, from the 
experience of the past, to look with satisfaction to the 
present, and with confidence to the future.— Nunc de- 
mum redit animus, cum non spem modo ac votum seeu- 
ritas publica, sed ipsius voti fiduciam et robur assump- 
serit. 

On the 29th of the same month, Mr. Whitbread 
moved three resolutions conveying a censure upon the 
ministers for their conduct in the Russian controversy. 
The subject is now so little interesting that we shall 
content ourselves with stating, that after a debate of two 
days, in which the leaders of the opposition, and Mr. 
Fox in particular, displayed the most animated powers, 
Mr. Pitt succeeded so well in satisfying the house, that 
the motion was rejected by a division of 244 against 1 13. 

An association had been recently established, the de- 



BO THE LIFE OF A. 179$. 

clared object of which was to procure what is commonly 
called a reform in parliament, and to shorten the period 
of its duration. Several r: spectable members of the 
house of commons patronized this association, which as- 
sumed the title of u The Friends of the People," and 
lent it the credit of their names. Lord Lauderdale, Mr. 
Grey, and Mr. Sheridan, were said to be the principal 
founders and directors of it. It was- in consequence of a 
resolution which was adopted by this society, that Mr. 
Grey came forward with a notice of his intention to 
move for a parliamentary reform at some period in the 
subsequent session. Mr. Pitt observed that if ever there 
were a time, when the subject of a parliamentary reform 
ought not to be agitated, the present was that period. 
The part which he had himself formerly acted upon a 
similar occasion, was well known to the house. When 
he had himself proposed a parliamentary reform, the 
complexion of the times was different in every respect 
from what it then was. Real grievances were particu- 
larly felt, and a direct contrariety existed between the 
opinions of the people. The country was in a slate of 
actual distress, a national bankruptcy dreaded, and the 
public mind almost bordering on absolute despair. In 
this situation, something he had conceived, ought to be 
attempted to counteract such alarming evils, by restor- 
ing to the people that confidence in parliament which 
they seemed to have lost. A parliamentary reform had 
appeared to him adequate to such an effect; a measure 
which at the time would have satisfied the nation, and 
was not likely to have gone beyond its declared object. 
The case, he remarked, at present was widely different. 
By the blessing of Providence we enjoyed an unexam- 
pled state of political happiness; and the gloom which 
had brooded over the public mind, had completely dis- 
persed. It was impossible by any attempt at reform to 
make the nation easier or happier. On the other hand 
much real evil might attend it; the security of all the 
blessings we possessed, might be shaken to the very 
foundation. For such was the temper of too many re- 
formers out of doors, that moderate measures were not 
likely to satisfy them; they wished not to preserve, but 
to subvert the constitution. Such were his principal ob- 



A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 51 

jcctions to the time when this subject was brought for- 
ward; — objections, which he thought sufficiently ac- 
counted for the altered line of conduct he proposed to 
pursue, still retaining his opinion of the propriety of a 
parliamentary reform, whenever it might seem attainable 
without danger or mischief. Jrie complained that instead 
of coming forward at once with some specific proposition 
on the subject, Mr. Grey had given an indistinct notice, 
which would naturally agitate the public mind for a con- 
siderable period, and set to work many dangerous and 
designing theorists. Of this latter description he con- 
ceived some of that society to be, with which he grieved 
to find a man of Mr. Grey's talents and character un- 
happily connected. The aim of such people was nothing 
less than to destroy the British constitution, and to erect 
on its ruins that mad system which had been misnamed 
liberty in another country. Notwithstanding the infor- 
mality of the proceeding, the debate was carried to a 
considerable length, several members strongly expressed 
their disapprobation of the society, in which the measure 
had originated. Lord North and Mr. Windham, in 
particular, sided on this occasion with Mr. Burke, and 
opposed the arguments of their friends in opposition. 

It was now that the great difference of opinion which 
led to the ultimate division of the members of opposition 
took place. The societies denominated <k The Friends 
of the People," the corresponding societies and other 
" affiliated" clubs were in their utmost activity employing 
all the arts of the press to assail every class of men with 
addresses to their passions, their prejudices, or their in- 
terests. The rights of man, by Thomas Paine, was 
particularly pressed into circulation. About the same 
period, the members of the revolution society published 
their proceedings and correspondence. In these the 
revolution of France was not only praised in general 
terms, but that leading maxim of it, the sacred duty of 
insurrection, particularly applauded. Our revolution in 
168d, was considered as imperfect. The final comple- 
tion of ttTfrs glorious vsork, it was said, was only to be 
hoped from an imitation of the conduct of France, and 
our specinc grievances were stated to be •< royal prero- 
gatives injurious to the public interest, a servile peerage, 



52 THE LIFE OF A. 1792. 

a rapacious and intolerant clergy, and a corrupt repre- 
sentation." 

On the 11th of May, Mr. Fox moved for the repeal 
of some particular statutes against the dissenters. Mr- 
Pitt opposed the measure, as it seemed acknowledged on 
all hands, that no practical evils had ever happened, or 
were likely to happen, from the laws in question, and as 
danger might possibly accrue from the repeal of them, 
the motion was negatived by a majority of 79. The 
royal proclamation against the dispersion of seditious 
writings was now issued, and being laid before the house, 
and an address of approbation moved, it was opposed by 
Mr. Grey* with much warmth, and the proclamation 
itself condemned in severe terms, as a measure insidious 
and pernicious. The u diligent enquiry," enjoined by 
the proclamation after the authors and distributors of 

* Mr. Grey was born in 1764, and is the eldest son of the cele- 
brated General Sir Charles Grey, first create I Baron Grey de 
Howick, and recently Earl Grey. He received his education at 
Eton, where he was in the same class with Lambton, Whitbread, 
&c. after which he repaired to the university. Having given an 
early presage of future talents, in 1785 he was returned one of the 
members for the county of Northumberland. In 1794, he married 
Miss Mary Elizabeth, daughter of the Rt. Hon. William Braba- 
zon Ponsonby, whose family has for many years possessed great 
influence in Ireland. 

This senator entered the political arena, at a period when elo- 
quence had attained no common degree of excellence in England. 
He beheld Burke, still in the meridian of his splendor: he lived 
in intimacy with Fox and Sheridan, one of whom had long been 
celebrated as an argumentative, the other as an epigrammatic 
orator. With Pitt,like himself, young, bold, and daring, armed 
with words at will, and environed with the fascination of authori- 
ty, it was his fate at once to disagree and to contend. These 
champions accordingly entered the lists, and shivered many a 
lance with each other. 

Active and decided in his opposition to Mr. Pitt's administra- 
tion, Mr. Grey has acted a conspicuous part in the discussion of 
every great political question which has been agitated in St. Ste- 
phens's chapel. 

To the splendor of hereditary nobility, Mr. Grey has lately ad- 
ded the honors and emoluments of office, having, in February, 
taken the first place in the admiralty. During a part of the year 
he resides in Northumberland, and, fond of agricultural pursuits, 
he superintends the cultivation of a farm of about two thousand 
acres. 1806. 



A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 53 

wicked and seditions writings, could only tend to establish 
an odious and arbitrary system of espionage. Mr. G- 
strongly intimated his belief, that the real object of the 
proclamation was merely to discredit the late association 
in the view of the public. This Mr. Pitt disclaimed in 
very explicit terms; and expressed his high respect for 
many of the associations in question, declaring "that he 
differed from them only in regard to the time and mode 
which they had adopted for the attainment of their ob- 
ject." The association in question, he said, did not 
come within the scope and purview of the proclamation, 
which was levelled against the daring and seditious prin- 
ciples which had been so assiduously propagated amongst 
the people, under the plausible and delusive appellation 
of the rights of man. Several members of opposition, 
particularly the Marquis of Titchfield, Lord North, Mr. 
Windham and Mr. Anstruther, delivered their senti- 
ments in support of the address, impressed with the per- 
suasion that a line of conduct had lately been adopted in 
this country, which required the utmost attention and 
interference of government. 

On two occasions in the upper house, the Lord Chan- 
cellor Thurlow had not only opposed ministry, but em- 
ployed even invective; the breach in the administration 
became irreparable ; Mr. Pitt, therefore, was said to 
have insisted, that either he or Lord Thurlow should be 
dismissed from the king's service. The great seal was 
accordingly demanded, the very day that parliament rose, 
and put into the custody of three commissioners, the 
principal of whom was chief Baron Eyre. Two cabinet 
offices being now, in effect, vacant, the minister, it was 
reported, signified an inclination for a junction with that 
branch of the opposition, which had concurred in the 
important measure of the proclamation. It was likewise 
added, that, seriously alarmed at the state of the nation 
and of Europe, and anxious to combine all the abilities 
of the country for the general safety, he did not object 
to include Mr. Fox in the arrangement, which was un- 
derstood to have oeen particularly pressed by Mr. Burke, 
who, since the concert that had been established between 
government and the old leaders of the whig party on the 
subject of the proclamation, was known to have had 
F 



54 .. THE LIFE OF A. 1795. 

more frequent and free intercourse with the ministers. 
In consequence of this overture, negotiations were re- 
presented to have taken place, but finally to have proved 
abortive, from the obstacles to an arrangement which 
were started on the part of Mr. Fox, who would only 
consent to the proposed union, on the condition that Mr. 
Pitt should relinquish the high situation he then held, 
to be more on a level with him in office, while the Duke 
of Portland, or at least, some neutral person, should be 
appointed to the treasury; a condition, which was re- 
jected on the part of the minister. The friends of Mr. 
Fox, in talking of this unprosperous issue, asserted, that 
what he had demanded, was no more than was indis- 
pensibly necessary to his consistency, as being the same 
terms for which he had contended in the beginning of 
the year 1784; but the friends of Mr. Pitt answered, 
that he was as much entitled as Mr. Fox could be, to 
consult his own character ; that admitting him to have 
been wrong (which they did not really mean to admit) 
in standing upon the prerogative of the crown, against 
the sense of the house of commons, and in refusing to 
be bound by that sense, as speaking the true voice of 
the people in 1784; yet he had then, by a dissolution, 
made a regular appeal to the people, and the decision 
was most clearly in his favor; that he had lately in a 
striking manner shewn himself to retain the public con- 
fidence, of the king and of parliament, including even 
many of the most respectable members of Mr. Fox's 
party ; and as to the people at large, it was asked, if Mr. 
Fox would abide by the result of any new appeal to 
them; if not, what was the justice or equity of requiring 
that Mr. Pitt should voluntarily forego all those advan- 
tages. — The former, in reply accused him of inordinate 
ambition, and the latter retorted the charge, observing 
that what Mr. Fox meant by his claim of perfect equal- 
ity, was in truth, for the minister to have afforded him 
a complete triumph, by confessing himself in the wrong, 
and by humbling himself, to have gratified a personal 
jealousy, which, if it existed at all, must have frustrated 
ail the salutary effects otherwise to have been hoped from 
the projected coalition; Mr. Pitt, they added, by mani- 
festing a readiness to share with his opponent, on terms 



A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 5$ 

fiot dishonorable to either party, that power of which 
he was in the entire and firm possession, gave the best 
proof, that he was sincere in preferring the interests of 
his country to any private ends of his own. On the 15th 
of June the session terminated with a speech from the 
throne, in which his majesty, mentioning the state of 
affairs in Europe, declared his own intention to observe 
a strict neutrality. Mr. Pitt's plan for the administra- 
tion of the Indian territories, executed under the direc- 
tion of Mr. Dundas, had corrected abuses, restored 
prosperity, and extended revenue through British India. 

The French revolution continued to engage the atten- 
tion of Great Britain, but government still resolved to 
avoid all interference in the internal affairs of France. 
The French now declared war against Austria and Prus- 
sia. The king was deposed, the Scheldt was opened in 
contravention of sacred treaties. 

During the recess of 1792, the public ferment greatly 
increased in this country. The efforts of the revolutionary. 
emissaries became more strenuous in London, and in 
the other great cities. On the 7th of Nov. an address 
from several patriotic societies in England was presented 
at the bar of the convention, containing, in addition to 
the accustomed complimentary expressions, reflections 
upon the government and constitution of their own 
country. The president of the convention, in his an- 
swer used expressions full of respect and complacency ; 
copies of the address were ordered to be sent to all the 
armies and departments of the republic. A royal pro- 
clamation was issued December 1, 1792, announcing 
"that notwithstanding the late proclamation of the 21st 
of May, the utmost industry was still employed by evil- 
disposed persons within the kingdom, acting in concert 
with persons in foreign parts, with a view to subvert the 
laws and constitution ; and that a spirit of tumult and 
disorder thereby excited, had lately shewn itself in acts 
of riot and insurrection ; and that these causes moving 
him thereto, his majesty had resolved forthwith to em- 
body part of the militia of the kingdom." On the same 
day another proclamation was issued for convening the 
parliament (which stood prorogued to the 3d of January, 
1793) on the 13th of December; the law requiring, that 



56 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

if the militia be drawn out during the recess of parlia- 
ment, and this it can only be in case of invasion or actual 
insurrection, parliament shall be assembled within the 
space of fourteen days. 

On the 13th of Dec. parliament was assembled; and 
the king stated his various reasons for his present mea- 
sures. Notwithstanding the strict neutrality which he 
had uniformly observed in the wars now raging on the 
continent, he could not, without concern, observe the 
strong indications of an intention in the French to excite 
disturbances in other countries; to pursue views of con- 
quest and aggrandisement, inconsistent with the balance- 
of Europe, to disregard the rights of neutral powers ; 
and to adopt towards his allies the states general, mea- 
sures neither conformable to the public law, nor to tho 
positive articles of existing treaties, he had therefore 
found it necessary to make some augmentation of his 
army and navy. 

Notwithstanding the facts already detailed, Mr. Fox, 
at the head of a small but able band, ridiculed and repro- 
bated the apprehension of any tendency towards revolu- 
tion existing in the people of this country. Mr. Pitt be- 
ing absent, in consequence of his having vacated his seat 
by the acceptance of the wardenship of the Cinque Ports, 
till now held by the Earl of Guildford (Lord North), Mr. 
Burke was the principal opponent to Mr. Fox in parlia- 
ment. Mr. B. insisted that preventive policy was neces- 
sary to the salvation of the country. We pass over any 
further historical relation of events till the discussion of 
the alien bill on the 4th of January, 1793. Mr. Pitt's 
speeches upon this and a subsequent motion for an ad- 
dress to the king, while they explain all the transactions 
of the time, will illustrate more peculiarly his own powers 
of mind and the sentiments he entertained on passing 
events. 

Upon the alien bill, he said, that he felt himself called 
upon to speak on the present occasion, though from the 
circumstance of his absence on former debates, the 
ground of discussion had already been pre-occupied. A 
right honorable gentleman, Mr. Fox, had assumed as a 
principle, that no bill of this sort ought to be brought 
forward, except upon some ground of positive circum- 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 57 

stances upon which it was founded being stated in the 
preamble. If he was called upon to state the particular 
ground upon which the bill was founded, the only diffi- 
culty which he should find, was, that these grounds were" 
in themselves far greater than the magnitude of the 
measure. If he should only state, that by some extra- 
ordinary occurrence, some unforeseen and inevitable 
calamity of nature, great numbers of foreigners had come 
into this country without the means of subsistence, with- 
out being brought for any purposes of commerce, or 
without any possibility of discrimination, even this he 
should consider as affording a sufficient object of jealousy 
and attention, but when it appeared that these came from 
a country whose principles were inimical to the peace 
and order of every other government, and though many 
of them, no doubt, had fled here in order to find a refuge 
from the sword of persecution, there was but too much 
reason to suspect, among these had mingled emissaries 
for prey, regard for our own interests, and for the safety 
of the country, enforced the necessity of peculiar vigi- 
lance. In addition to all these circumstances, we find 
that in the councils of that country, from which these 
persons had come, there had been adopted a system of 
propagating, by every means of art and force, principles 
inimical to the government of every country, and that 
they were now actually carrying on a war against the 
established government of other countries, under the 
specious pretext of promoting the cause of freedom : but 
he now came to the climax of all. In this country itself* 
there had been found persons who proposed the same 
principles with those maintained in the councils of that 
neighbouring state, and held out the model of N their go- 
vernment as an object of applause and imitation ; who 
had industriously propagated, and publicly avowed, that 
they acted with them in concert; that they had held a 
correspondence with affiliated societies of jacobins; they 
had presented addresses to the convention, and had there 
been received, encouraged and cherished, and had in 
return met with oners of fraternity and succour. Was 
there then not reason to suppose, that persons might 
have been sent to this country, with a view of carrying 
on that concert. Was not this obvious to the under- 
F2 



58 THE LIFE OF A. 1793 

standing and feeling of every honorable gentleman pre- 
sent. Yet after all that had been stated, there are some 
-who pretend to tell us, that they fear no internal alarm, 
that they see no cause of danger. Notwithstanding the 
general sentiments of the country and of that house, 
they have the hardihood to treat the whole as the effect 
of ministerial artifice. Had ministerial artifice made 
those who had hitherto acted upon a system of opposition, 
now concur in the opinion of this danger ? Had it made 
all the members in that house, except ten or fifteen, 
agree in the same sentiment ? He should now shortly point 
out what were the leading circumstances of the present 
time. What had they seen? They had seen within two 
or three years a revolution in France, founded upon 
principles which were inconsistent with our own, and 
w ith every regular government ; which were hostile to 
hereditary monarchy, to nobility, to all the privileged or- 
ders, and to every sort of popular representation short of 
that, which would give to every individual a voice in the 
election of representatives. Writings had been publish- 
ed in this country, holding out this government as an 
object of envy, and a model of imitation, decrying every 
other form of government as founded in injustice, and 
inconsistent with the unalienable right of man; repre- 
senting this new scheme as holding out relief to the 
poor, inculcating a more pure and simple system of 
morals, and enlarging the circle of social happiness. 

How far it deserved this character its own practice 
would best prove. Societies had been formed in differ- 
ent manufacturing towns in this country, upon the mo- 
del of the jacobin societies in France, where the utmost 
art and industry had been employed to inflame the pas- 
sions and mislead the judgment of the lower classes, and 
where the doctrines inculcated might be supposed to be 
attended with the worst effect. These societies carried 
on correspondence with the societies and councils of 
France, and received from them invitations of support. 
In addition to all this, we have seen a code of the laws 
of nations adopted in France, hostile to every other go- 
vernment, a system of anarchy and ambition, setting at 
defiance all regular authority, and treating as unlawful 
every thing which has been sanctioned by the laws of 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 59 

other countries. Their new code of the laws of nations 
went to establish their government wherever they should 
carry their arms. As their ambition was unbounded, 
so the anarchy, which they hoped to establish, was uni- 
versal. From the conduct which they had already ex- 
hibited, a judgment might be formed of the future course 
which they would pursue. Under the specious pretext 
of promoting the cause of freedom, they had shewn no 
scruple to annex the territories of their neighbours to 
their own dominions, and to force upon the inhabitants 
of the countries which they had entered, that freedom 
which they were unwilling to receive, and of which, cer- 
tainly, the state of their own country did not afford a 
very flattering specimen. Their own declarations had 
shewn that their views were not confined to particular 
countries, that their object was every where to propo- 
gate their own system by all the means which art, indus- 
try, or force could supply. When there were men in 
this country connected with a people actuated by such 
principles, and pursuing such a system, it surely became 
a matter of the most serious consideration. Such being 
the state of circumstances, he put it to the hearts, con- 
sciences, judgments, and understandings of gentlemen 
present, whether there was not serious ground of alarm ? 
Such was the general view of affairs; combined with 
which, there was a necessity of taking some measure 
against that influx of foreigners which had poured into 
the country. While all that house and all the country 
agree with respect to the existence of danger, there were 
ten or fifteen members who completely denied it; but 
even these could not agree with regard to the degree of 
its non-existence. In this respect, they were incon- 
sistent with themselves. A right honorable gentleman 
(Mr. Fox) who, though he had spoken last, was first to 
be attended to ; though he disapproved of the principles 
upon which the French acted — though afraid of the pro- 
gress of their arms, was not afraid of the progress of 
their opinions in this country. On this score he appre- 
hends nothing, though it was particularly the interest, 
and had always been the policy of the French to sow di- 
visions in those countries, against which they entertain- 
ed views of hostility — a policy which, in the present in- 



6a THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

stance, could not be better answered than by propaga- 
ting their sentiments. The opinions that right honora- 
ble gentleman had stated, were not to be opposed by 
force; they were to be resisted, first by neglect and con- 
tempt, the mode of which he seemed most to approve; 
secondly, by argument and reasoning; and last, by pro- 
secution, which, however, he did not greatly commend. 
He would only ask, what sort of opinions were those to 
which the right honorable gentleman had alluded. Se- 
rious and conscientious opinions, founded upon sober 
and dispassionate reasoning, he would own, had a claim 
to the utmost indulgence, and ought always to be treat- 
ed with deference; but surely, with regard to wild and 
violent notions, assuming the name of opinions, but tend- 
ing by overt acts to overturn every established govern- 
ment, and to introduce anarchy and confusion, a differ- 
ent mode of conduct was to be observed. Those opinions 
which the French entertained were of the most dangerous 
nature; they were opinions produced by interest, in- 
flamed by passion, propagated by delusion, which their 
success had carried to the utmost excess, and had con- 
tributed to render still more dangerous. For, would 
the right honorable gentleman tell him that the French 
opinions received no additional weight from the success 
of their armies? Was it possible to separate between the 
progress of their opinions and the success of their arms ? 
It was evident that the one must influence the other, and 
that the diffusion of their principles must keep pace with 
the extent of their victories. He was not afraid of the 
progress of the French principles in this country, unless 
the defence of the country should previously be under- 
mined by the introduction of these principles. A noble 
lord (Earl Wycombe)* had said, that if a war should take 
place, the blame of that war must entirely belong to minis- 
ters. He would here beg to refer to the conduct of France. 
It had first denied the obligation of a treaty, which, 
though sometimes called absolute, had been considered 
as the corner stone of the balance of Europe, and re- 
peatedly renewed; which had been coeval with the es- 
tablishment of Dutch freedom, and was 5 in fact, neces- 

* Now Marquis of Lansdown. 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 61 

sary to the existence of the independence of Holland — 
a treaty in which France could have no concern, except 
in fulfilment of its own stipulation, to guard it against 
infringement; and which could only be a matter of ques- 
tion between the sovereign of the Dutch republic and 
the sovereign of the Austrian Netherlands. France 
could only have one of two motives for interference — 
either as assuming to act as sovereign of the Nether- 
lands, or because she has proclaimed a new code of the 
law of nations, by which she presumes to dictate to every 
country, and to model every government by her own 
standard. Could we then, in this country, without re- 
signing the spirit of independent Britons, and the faith 
due to an ally, submit to so insolent and unjust a claim 
as that of opening the Scheldt on the part of the French? 
But they affected, upon their present system, to despise 
all treaties, and to regard the one in question as extort- 
ed by avarice, and consented to through despotism.—- 
The second circumstance to which he should call their 
attention was, the decree of the 19th of November. By 
this decree, the French engaged to assist all people in 
procuring their freedom — such a freedom, he supposed, 
as they themselves enjoyed. We have seen, said he, 
French freedom in definition, we have seen it in illustra- 
tion, and have now an opportunity to compare the theory 
with the practice. Their conduct in Flanders afforded 
a specimen of the nature of their freedom. They had 
there endeavoured to propagate their doctrine, but find- 
ing the inhabitants not disposed to give them so favora- 
ble a reception as they could have wished, they had taken 
the method of inculcating opinions of freedom by force. 
Their general had issued a proclamation, that whoever 
should not embrace the tree of liberty, should be cut off 
as a wretch unfit to live. The noble lord talked of their 
' having given an explanation with respect to this decree. 
What sort of an explanation had they given? They had 
stated that it was not their intention to assist a few indi- 
viduals, but only to interfere in cases where a great ma- 
jority of the people should be disposed to shake off their 
government; so that, in fact, it was their intention to 
promote rebellion in other countries, and to declare war 
against all established governments. This sort of war 



62 THE LIFE OF A. 179$. 

was an inexpiable War against all legitimate power, and 
which was only to terminate in its extinction. Formerly 
the splendor of conquest had, in some measure, been 
pursued with a respect which had been paid to the go- 
yernment and rights of the conquered. The Romans 
were careful to preserve the government, the habits, and 
customs of the nations which they had vanquished, con- 
sidering that as the best security for their conquests. — 
For the present age had been reserved the idea of a war 
of extirpation — a war which should tend to annihilate 
whatever had been held most dear, or found most valua- 
ble. This was a sort of war 1 which had never been car- 
ried on even by despots, and which was only exemplified; 
in the conduct of those modern republicans, who held 
out a system of what they called freedom and happi- 
ness. One honorable gentleman (Major Maitland) had 
declared, that the whole of the danger which had been 
held out, and the consequent alarm which had been ex- 
cited in the country, was a mere delusion, effected by 
the artifices of ministry. That honorable gentleman had, 
at the same time, stated, that the uniform misconduct of 
ministry since they came into power, was sufficient to 
have occasioned all the mischiefs which had been de- 
scribed, and to bring any country into a state of the 
greatest calamity. If this was the case, he, for one, 
could not but rejoice, that all these mischiefs, and all 
this calamity, amounted to nothing more than delusion. 
In reply to the Marquis of Titchfield, who had accused 
ministers of tardiness, Mr. P. asserted, that it was not 
till very lately the proceedings had assumed sufficient 
importance to justify ministerial interference. It was 
curious that other gentlemen in opposition had brought 
a directly contrary charge, by accusing ministers of too 
great precipitation. It was only the retreat of the Duke 
of Brunswick, and the success of the French arms, with 
the consequences that had followed, events so rapid and 
unexpected, which it was impossible to foresee, and 
which defied even the smallest conjecture, that rendered 
the danger so imminent, and the necessity of prepara- 
tions so urgent on the part of this country. 

It was not till lately that the opening of the Scheldt 
had occurred, an infringement of the stipulations of trea- 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 63 

ties, and an invasion of our allies, the Dutch, which ren- 
dered it absolutely necessary for this country to interfere, 
more especially as it seemed to open the way for farther 
violations of treaty, and more extended acquisitions of 
conquest. It was not till the 19th of November that the 
decree had passed, which menaced hostility to every go- 
vernment, and the principles of which every nation in 
Europe was interested to oppose. He trusted it would 
appear, from attention to these circumstances, that as 
soon as the danger could be ascertained, measures had 
been taken to meet it, and that there had been no want 
of vigilance, precaution, and activity, on the part of mi- 
nisters. He trusted that they would all concur to meet 
the present emergency by suitable measures, to obviate 
the danger by the most effectual means which could be 
devised, and unite their strength for two great objects — 
the safety of the country and support of the constitution. 
The bill was then read a third time and passed. 

On the 24th of January, 1793, intelligence arrived in 
London of the melancholy catastrophe of Louis XVI. 
His majesty immediately notified to Mr. Chauvelin, that 
the character with which he had been invested at the 
British court, and of which the functions had been so 
long suspended, being now entirely terminated by the 
death of his most christian majesty, he had no longer 
any public character here, and that within eight days he 
must quit the kingdom. The French rulers finding 
Britain inflexibly determined on adherence to the right 
of independent nations, by a decree of the convention of 
the 1st of February, 1793, declared war against Great 
Britain with acclamation, and socn after against Holland, 
which their forces were ready to invade. Upon the very- 
same day that France declared war against Great Bri- 
tain, the British parliament was engaged in discussing a 
message from the king, concerning the papers which had 
passed between M. Chauvelin and the minister for foreign 
affairs. On this occasion Mr. Pitt, who had now re- 
sumed his seat in parliament, made an eloquent harangue. 
Adverting, at the commencment of the speech, to the 
melancholy catastrophe which had just taken place in 
France, he represented it " as an event so full of grief 
and honor, that he wished it were possible to tear it 



64 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

from their memories, and expunge it from the page of 
history, and remove it for ever from the observation and 
comments of mankind; — but that event was unfortu- 
nately passed, and the present age must be for ever con- 
taminated with the guilt and ignominy of having witness- 
ed it. In this dreadful transaction they saw concen- 
trated the effect of those principles, pushed to their ut- 
most extent, which set out with dissolving all the bands 
by which society was held together — principles esta- 
blished in opposition to every law human and divine, and 
which, presumptuously relying on the authority of wild 
and delusive theories, rejected all the advantages of the 
wisdom and experience of former ages, and even the 
sacred instructions of revelation. While, therefore, he 
directed their attention to this transaction, he paid not 
only a tribute to humanity, but he suggested to them a 
Subject of much useful reflection. No consideration in- 
deed could be more connected with a country like this, 
or of a greater importance, than what tended to avert 
such transactions as had taken place in that neighboring 
state. Here, where a monarch formed an essential part 
of the government, clothed with inviolability which was 
essential to the exercise of the sovereign power; where 
the legislature was composed of a mixture of democracy 
and aristocracy ; and where, by the benefits of this sys- 
tem, we had been exempted from those mischiefs which 
in former ages had been produced by despotism, and 
which wei e only to be exceeded by those still more hor- 
rid evils which in the present time had been found to be 
the fruits of licentiousness and anarchy. Mr. Pitt now 
proceeded to remark on the different papers which had 
been laid on the table, and printed for the use of the 
members. It would appear from the first paper, that 
the system on which his majesty had uniformly acted, 
was founded on the very principles which had afterwards 
dictated the necessity of his making preparations. His 
majesty had declined taking any part in the internal go- 
vernment of France, and had made a positive declaration 
to that eflect. When he took that wise, generous and 
disinterested resolution, he had reason to expect that the 
French would in return have respected the rights of him- 
self and his allies, and most of all, that they would not 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 65 

have attempted any internal interference in this country. 
A paper on the table contained on their part a positive 
contract to abstain from any of those acts by which they 
had provoked the indignation of this country. In this 
paper they disclaimed all views of aggrandizement; they 
gave assurances of their good conduct to neutral nations; 
they protested against their entertaining an idea of inter- 
fering in the government of the country, or making any 
attempts to excite insurrection ; upon the express ground 
(stated in the paper) that such interference and such at- 
tempts would be a violation of the law of nations, they 
had themselves, by anticipation, passed sentence upon 
their own conduct; and the event of this discussion would 
decide, whether that sentence would be confirmed by 
those who had actually been injured. During the whole 
summer, while France had been engaged in the wars 
with Austria and Prussia, his majesty had in no shape 
departed from the neutrality which he had engaged to 
observe, nor did he, by the smallest act, give any reason 
to suspect his adherence to that system. But what, he 
would ask, was the conduct of the French. The first 
instance of their success in Savoy had been sufficient to 
unfold the plan of their ambition. They had immediately 
adopted the course to annex it for ever to their own do- 
minions, and had displayed a resolution to do the same, 
wherever they should carry their arms. That they might 
not leave any doubt of their intentions, by a formal de- 
cree, they had stated their plan of overturning every go- 
vernment, and substituting their own ; they threatened 
destruction to all who should not be inclined to adopt 
their system of freedom, and by a horrid mockery, offer- 
ed fraternization ; where it was refused, they were de- 
termined to employ force, and to propagate their princi- 
ples where they should fail to gain assent, by the mouths 
of cannon. They established, in the instructions to the 
conYriissioners whom they appointed to enforce the 
decree, with respet to the countries entered by their 
armies, a^anding revolutionary order, that instituted a 
system of organizing disorganization. And what was 
the reason which they assigned for all this ? " The period 
of freedom,'* said the'y r "must soon come; we must 

G 



66 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

then endeavor, by all means in our power, to accomplish 
it now; for should this freedom be accomplished by other 
nations, what then will become of us?" for justly might 
they entertain doubts of their safety. They had render- 
ed the Netherlands a province, in substance as well as 
name entirely dependant on France. That system, pur- 
sued by the jacobin societies, in concert with their cor- 
respondents, had given a more fatal blow to liberty, than 
any which it had ever suffered from the boldest attempts 
of the most aspiring monarch. 

What had been the circumstances which had attended 
the triumphal entry of General Dumourier. Demonstra- 
tions of joy inspired by terror, illuminations imperiously 
demanded by an armed force. And when the primary 
assembly met to deliberate, in what circumstances did 
they assemble? with the tree of liberty planted amidst 
them, and surrounded by a hollow square of French 
soldiers ; a situation surely equally conducive to the ease 
of their own thoughts, and the freedom of their public 
deliberations. And what had happened even since the 
French had professed their intention of evacuating the 
territories which they had entered, at the conclusion of 
the war; a deputation had been received from Hainault, 
requesting that it might be added as an eighty-fifth de- 
partment. And how had this deputation been received? 
Had the request been rejected? No, it had only been 
postponed till a committee should be able to prepare in- 
structions, how those nations, who should be desirous of 
the same union, should be able to incorporate themselves 
with France in a regular and formal manner, till the 
preliminaries should be settled by which it should subject 
to its government, and add to its territories, every coun- 
try which should be so unfortunate as to experience the 
force of its arms, and give to its wild and destructive 
ambition only the same limits with those of its power. 
It was matter of serious consideration, how far such a 
conduct not only ought to rouse the indignation, but 
might tend to aftect the interests of this country. To 

shew how the French had behaved with respect to neu- 
tral nations, he need only refer to their decree of the 

19th of November, which had already been so often 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 67 

mentioned and so amply discussed. He then read that 
passage in which the French grant fraternity to all those 
people who should be desirous to gain their freedom, and 
offer them assistance for that purpose. By the bye, he 
remarked, that to grant fraternity was a curious state of 
equality, and that none might be at a loss to know to 
whom the French nation were disposed to grant this re- 
lationship of younger brothers, they had ordered the 
decree to be printed in all languages, by which it might 
be perceived, that they intended the favor for all nations 
who chose to accept of it. Some pretended explanations 
had indeed been given of this decree, but of all these 
explanations he should say nothing but what had already 
been stated by the noble secretary of state, than they 
contained only an avowal and a repetition of the offence. 
The whole of their language, institutes, and conduct, had 
been directed to the total subversion of every govern- 
ment. To monarchy particularly they had testified the 
most decided aversion, and so violent was their enmity 
that they could be satisfied with nothing less than iis 
entire extermination. The bloody sentence, which the 
hand of the assassin had lately carried into execution 
against their own monarch, was passed against the sove- 
reigns of all countries. Were not their principles in- 
tended to be applied in their effects to this government? 
No society in this country, however small in number, 
however contemptible, however even questionable in ex- 
istence, had sent addresses to their assembly, in which 
they had expressed sentiments of sedition and treason, 
which had not been received with a degree of theatrical 
extravagance, and cherished with all the enthusiasm of 
congenial feeling. Need he then ask, if England was 
not aimed at by this conduct, and if it alone was to be 
exempted from the consequences of a system, the pro- 
fession of which was anarchy, and which seemed to as- 
pire to establish universal dominion upon the ruin of 
every government? From what had passed in a former 
part of the evening, he understood that it would be urged 
that the Dutch had made no formal requisition for the 
support of this country, in order to resist the opening of 
the Scheldt by the French, and to enable them to main- 
tain their right to the exclusive navigation of that river. 



68 THE LIFE OF A. 1703. 

He granted that no such formal requisition had been 
made. But might there not be prudential reasons for 
not making this requisition, on their part, very different 
from those which should induce this country to withhold 
its support. When the French opened the Scheldt, the 
Dutch entered their solemn protest against that invasion 
of their rights, which left them at liberty, at any time, 
to take it up as an act of hostility. If, from the sudden 
progress of the French arms and the circumstance of 
their forces being at their very door, they either from 
prudence or fear, did not think proper to take it up as an 
immediate commencement of hostilities — because they 
bad been timid, would England think itself at liberty to 
leave its allies, already involved in a situation of immi- 
nent danger to that certain ruin to which they were ex- 
posed in consequence of a system, the principles of which 
threatened also destruction to England, Europe, and to 
the whole of mankind? Thus in air those three assuran- 
ces which they had given of their intention to reject any 
system of aggrandizement, to abstain from interfering 
in the government of any neutral country, and to respect 
the rights of his majesty and of his allies, they had en- 
tirely failed, and in every respect completely reversed 
that line of conduct which they had so solemnly pledged 
themselves to adopt. Whatever they had offered under 
the name of explanations, contained nothing that either 
offered any compensation for the past, or was at all satis- 
factory with respect to the future. On the 27th of De- 
cember, M. Chauvelin, on the part of the executive 
council, had presented the note complaining of the decree 
of the 19th of November. On the 3 1st of December, a 
member of that executive council, (minister of the ma- 
rine) addressed a letter to all the friends of liberty in the 
sea ports ; from which he would now read some passages. 
" The king an,d his parliament mean to make war against 
us. Will the English republicans suffer it? Already 
these freemen shew their discontent, and the repugnance 
which they have to bear arms against their brothers, the 
Fixi.c .— W>. 11 ! we will fly to their succour — we will 
rm.kc a descent in the island — we will lodge there fifty 
thousand caps of liberty — we will plant there the sacred 
tree, and we will stretch out our arms to our republican 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 69 

brethren — the tyranny of their government will soon be 
destroyed. " He called the attention of the house to this 
declaration, which distinguished the English people from 
the king and the parliament, and to the nature of that 
present which was meant to be made them. While 
such declarations were in force, what could be thought 
of any explanations which were pretended to be given, 
or what credit was due to the assertions, that they en- 
tertained no intentions hostile to the government of this 
country ? From all these circumstances, he concluded, 
that the conduct and pretensions of the French were 
such as were neither consistent with the existence or 
safety of this country, such as that house could not, and, 
he was confident, never would acquiesce in. Unless you 
will then recede from your principles, or they withdraw, 
a war must be the consequence — as to the time, the pre- 
cise moment, he should not pretend to fix it — it would 
be left open to the last for any satisfactory explanation, 
but he should deceive them if he should say, that he 
thought any such explanation would be given, or that it 
was probable that a war could be avoided. 

The intelligence of the French declaration of war hav- 
ing been received on the 11th of February, a message, 
announcing the war, was delivered to the house. He 
now came to state what had occurred since his majesty's 
last message; and to notice those grounds which had 
served as a pretence for the declaration of war. When 
his majesty had dismissed M. Chauvelin, what were then 
the hopes of peace? He was by no means sanguine in 
such hopes,- and he had stated to the house, that he then 
saw but little probability that a war could be avoided. 
Still, however, the last moment had been kept open to re- 
ceive any satisfactory explanation that might be offered; 
but what, it might be asked, was to be the mode of re- 
ceiving such explanation. When his majesty had dis- 
missed M. Chauvelin, eight days had been allowed him 
for his departure; and if during that period he had sent 
any more satisfactory explanation, still it would have been 
received. M. Chauvelin, however, instantly quitted the 
country, without making any proposition. Anotner agent 
had succeeded (M. Maret), who, on his arrival in°this 
country, had notified himself as the charge d'affaires on 

G2 



70 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

the part of the French republic, but had never, during 
his residence in the kingdom, offered the smallest com- 
munication. What was the next event which had suc- 
ceeded ? an embargo was laid on all the vessels and per- 
sons of his majesty's subjects who were then in France. 
This embargo was to be considered as not only a symp- 
tom, but as an act of hostility. It certainly had taken 
place without any notice having been given, contrary to 
treaty, and against all the laws of nations. 

Notwithstanding this violent and outrageous act, such 
was the disposition to peace in his majesty's ministers, 
that the channels of communication, even after this pe- 
riod, were not shut. • A most singular circumstance hap- 
pened, which was the arrival of intelligence from his ma- 
jesty's minister at the Hague, on the very day when the 
embargo became known here, that he had received an 
intimation from General Dumourier, that the general 
wished an interview, in order to see if it were yet possi- 
ble to adjust the differences between the two countries, 
and to promote a general pacification. Instead of treat- 
ing the embargo as an act of hostility, and forbearing 
from any communication, even after this aggression, his 
majesty's ministers, on the same day on which the em- 
bargo was made known to them, gave instructions to the 
ambassador at the Hague, to enter into a communica- 
tion with General Dumourier. But before the answer 
of government could reach the ambassador, or any means 
be adopted for carrying the object proposed into execu- 
tion, war was declared on the part of the French, against 
this country. He must again reven for a moment to the 
embargo. He then stated, that a detention of ships, if 
no ground of hostility has been given, is, in the first 
place, contrary to the law of nations: in the second place, 
there was an actual treaty between the two countries, 
providing for this very circumstance; and this treaty (if 
not set aside by our breach of it, which he should come 
to presently,) -xpressly said, that "in case of a rupture, 
time shall be given for the removal of persons and ef- 
fects." Mr. Pitt then entered into an examination of 
the articles of the French decLuation, which he proved 
to consist of the weakest pretexts. Of all the reasons 
he ever heard for making war against anoiher country, 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 71 

that of the French upon this occasion, was the most ex- 
traordinary : they said they would make war on us — 
first, because we loved our own constitution; secondly, 
because we detested their proceedings; and lastly, be- 
cause we presumed to grieve at the death of their mur- 
dered king. Thus would they even destroy those prin- 
ciples of justice, and those sentiments of compassion, 
which led to reprobate their crimes, and to be afflicted 
at their cruelties. Thus would they deprive us of that 
last resource of humanity, to mourn over the misfortunes 
and sufferings of the victims of their injustice, they would 
not only endeavour to destroy our political existence, and 
to deprive us of the privileges which we enjoyed as sub- 
jects of the most excellent constitution, but they, would 
eradicate our feelings as men; they would make crimes 
of the sympathies which were excited by the distresses 
of our common nature; they would repress our sighs 
and restrain our tears. He now came to his conclusion 
— we, said he, have, in every instance, observed the 
strictest neutrality with respect to the French: we have 
pushed, to its utmost extent, the system of temperance 
and moderation; we have held out the means of accom- 
modation; we have waited till the last moment for satis- 
factory explanation. These means of accommodation 
have been slighted and abused, and all along there has 
appeared no disposition to give any satisfactory explana- 
tion. — They have now, at least, come to an actual ag- 
gression, by seizing our vessels in our very ports, with- 
out any provocation given on our part ; without any pre- 
parations having been adopted but those of necessary 
precaution, they ; have declared, and are now waging 
war. Such is the conduct which they have pursued ; 
such is the situation in which we stand. It now remains 
to be seen whether, under Providence, the efforts of a 
free, brave, loyal, and happy people, aided by their al- 
lies, will not be successful in checking the progress of a 
system, the principles of which, if not opposed, threaten 
the most fatal consequences to the tranquillity of this 
country, the security of its allies, the good order of every 
European government, and the happiness of the whole 
human race. Messrs. Fox, Burke? and Sheridan spoke> 



72 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

and the first gentleman moved an amendment; the ad- 
dress was, however, voted without a division. 

On the 18th, Mr. Fox moved five resolutions, the 
grounds of which were — first, objection to a war with 
France, for the purpose of suppressing any opinions that 
prevailed there, however injurious their tendency; se^ 
cond, that the alleged grounds of war were not, in the 
first instance, justifiable; third, that ministers had not 
used means likely to obtain redress without a rupture; 
fourth, that ministers had neglected to recognize the 
principles they held against France, in the case of Po- 
land; and fifth, that ministers ought to forbear to re- 
commend any measures which might prevent the con- 
clusion of a separate peace. A debate, not less vehe- 
ment than the former, took place ; and upon a division, 
the members appeared to be 270 who voted for the pre- 
vious question, against 44, who supported the motion. 
On the 21st of February, Mr. Grey moved an address, 
containing a comprehensive view of the whole subject- 
matter of dispute; it concluded with stating, that the 
calamities of such a war as was now commenced, a war 
of vengeance and not of necessity, must be aggravated, 
in the estimation cf every rational mind, by reflecting 
on the peculiar advantages of that fortunate situation we 
had so umvisely abandoned. Mr. Pitt replied in a few 
words, declaring that this subject required no further 
discussion. The motion of Mr. Grey was immediately 
negatived without a division. On the 4th of March, 
Mr. Sheridan proposed that an inquiry should be insti- 
tuted into the alleged sedition, and declared his disbe-. 
lief of the ministerial representations. In answer lo Mr. 
Sheridan's requisition, it was argued, that government 
had not asserted the existence of plots, to be established 
by proof, for judicial animadversion, but of a seditious 
spirit and operations, which required deliberative pre- 
caution and the most vigilant care to prevent them from 
maturing into plots and insurrections. From a combi- 
nation of various and disconnected circumstances, a man 
might receive a moral certainty of a general fact, which 
ought to regulate his conduct, though he might have no 
proof of such a fact sufficient to establish it belbre a ma- 
gistrate. The active circulation of seditious writings^ 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 73 

the proceedings and declarations of the innovating so-^ 
cieties ; the public and avowed sentiments of great 
numbers in favor of the French system, as a model 
for this country, concurred in manifesting the existence 
of a spirit which it became the legislature and govern- 
ment to repress; and Mr. Sheridan's motion was ne- 
gatived by a very numerous majority. 

On the 6th of May, Mr. Grey made his motion for a 
Teform in parliament, various petitions had been received. 
Mr. Grey's observations were necessarily interspersed 
with personal animadversions of Mr. Pitt's affirmed 
change of conduct. Mr. Pitt said, " I feel more particular- 
ly anxious, on account of the share which I have had in 
agitating the question of parliamentary reform, to state 
full and distinctly the reasons which induce me to resist 
the motion which is now brought forward. Last session, 
I considered the agitation of the question as capable of 
producing much mischief, and likely to be attended with 
no good. Such was the conclusion which I formed from 
experience. I had myself, on different occasions, pro- 
posed a reform, in situations which seemed favorable to 
my object, and -supported by persons of the highest re- 
spectability, and had even then failed. Several gentle- 
men, from a dread of the consequences of innovation, 
and from a doubt whether the advantage to be obtained 
was such as would compensate for the risk incurred, op- 
posed my views. If such arguments had formerly suc- 
ceeded, how much force had they last year acquired 
from the dreadful lesson afforded in the example of 
neighbouring kingdoms ! The scene of horrors which it 
then presented, exceeded imagination, far short as it 
stopped of what has since occurred. I perceived form- 
ing within the bosom of the country a small, but not 
contemptible party, who aspired at something more than 
a moderate reform, whose object, indeed, was nothing 
less than to introduce here those French principles which, 
from their consequences, I could not regard but with 
horror. I saw, therefore, that while none of that good, 
of which a moderate reform might be productive, was 
to be obtained, much danger might be incurred, and an 
opening afforded to wicked persons to subvert that very 
constitution which we were desirous to improve, only in 



74, THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

order that we might preserve. I thus found the proba- 
bility of good, small; while the mischief was of a size 
so gigantic as to exceed calculation. And upon this 
reasoning, even if I had rated as high as ever the ad- 
vantages of a reform, and had seen a greater probability 
than had hitherto appeared of accomplishing such a re- 
form, I would rather have abandoned my object than 
have incurred or increased the danger. 

But it was alleged that this was precisely the time to 
bring forward a moderate reform, as the best means to 
quiet violent spirits, and the surest remedy against ruin- 
ous innovation. The gentlemen who now come forward 
in the cause of parliamentary reform, I have no doubt, 
were encouraged, in their first exertions, by the hope that 
they should be enabled to overcome the violent spirits, 
and that moderate men, who might otherwise have been 
misled, would be induced to join their standard. I have 
learned from their publications, that they not only pro- 
posed to guide the mimls of the people, but also to be 
guided by them, and that they were resolved to drop their 
views if they should find that they did not meet with a 
pretty general concurrence. Such was the situation of 
the business at the last session; another year has now 
passed in France, disgraced with excesses and outrages 
so horrid, that they efface the memory of those which 
formerly occurred, and leave of them only the faint traces, 
and the image hardly visible. The French had disclosed 
a system of disseminating their principles, and procuring 
proselytes in every part of Europe, a system which they 
had particularly followed up with respect to this country. 
Such was the case without — what was the situation of af- 
fairs within? Societies had been formed in this country, 
affiliated with the Jacobin clubs in France; and though 
they had since assumed a different shape, were then em- 
ployed far the purpose of spreading Jacobin principles. 
In this object they proceeded with a degree of boldness 
and confidence, proportioned to the success of the French 
arms. We thus beheld the scheme which we had anti- 
cipated as the result of the new constitutions in France 
opening upon us. We had more immediately an oppor- 
tunity of seeing what were the views of the legislators 
of France with respect to this country, and what their 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 75 

instruments in England were endeavouring to effect. 
For while in France, they always mentioned the pretext 
of a reform, as the medium by which they were to in- 
troduce their principles, their instruments here always 
took care to connect the system of parliamentary re- 
form with all those delusive doctrines, upon which was 
founded the newly-raised fabric of French freedom. No- 
thing less than a national convention was he.ld out as a 
sufficient remedy for the abuses which prevailed in the 
representation, and the sole organ through which a more 
perfect form of government was to be obtained, name- 
ly, such a government as should acknowledge no other 
source of authority and pa other rule of conduct, than 
the will of the majority. In short, French principles 
were inculcated as the true standard of political belief, 
and the example of the French government proposed as 
a worthy object of imitation. I now proceed to events 
of a more recent date. The admirers of French policy 
in this country felt a depression of spirits from the de- 
feat of their friends and allies, which, for a time, gave 
a fatal blow to their hopes, and compelled them to con- 
ceal their views, and to assume a veil of caution, but 
ill-suited to the ardor of their temper, and the boldness 
of their enterprize. But though they had thus been 
forced, for a while, to relinquish their schemes, it was 
not to be presumed from this that they had by any 
means abandoned them — no! they still meditated the 
same plans, and only lay by to watch for an opportunity- 
favorable to the accomplishment of their designs. For 
that purpose they had looked particularly to the question 
of parliamentary reform. Previous to the bringing for- 
ward the present motion, a great number of petitions 
had been presented to the house, equally singular in their 
form, expression, and the manner in which they had 
thus been submitted to notice. They had been intro- 
duced under the auspices of the gentlemen who support- 
ed the motion* They were all of three descriptions, ex- 
cept that one upon which the motion was more particu- 
larly founded, and a petition from Nottingham, conceived 
in exactly the same terms with one which had been re- 
ceived from that place in 17 82. When it had first been 
received, it came after a long war, which had harassed 



T6 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

and exhausted the country, and the calamities of which 
it stated as a proper ground for a reform of parliament ; 
unfortunately it stiil employed the same language, and 
gave the same description of the country, after a long 
and prosperous peace. 

All these petitions came from places in England and 
Scotland, that seemed to have no national connection or 
likelihood of communication. Yet, coming from these 
different places, they were all the same in substance, 
and nearly the same in style ; whatever little difference 
there might be in the expression, they seemed all to pro- 
ceed from the same hands. All of them were the same 
in prayer; they concurred in praying for the right of 
universal suffrage, as the basis of that reform which they 
desired. With respect to those petitions, two questions 
arise ; first, what weight they ought to have with the 
house, and how far they ought to be allowed to go in in- 
fluencing their judgment; and secondly, whether this is 
a season proper for the consideration of that object 
which they claim, and favorable to a temperate reform. 
On the first point, when petitions came to the house, fa- 
bricated in appearance, similar as to substance and ex- 
pression, it did not require much time to determine in 
wlvat point of view they were to be considered. There was 
every reason to suspect that they were the work of a few 
individuals. They had certainly much more the appear- 
ance of the design of a few individuals, than of the gene- 
ral expression of the sentiments of the country. If it 
was asked, then, what weight they ought to have, the 
answer was easy — none. The fraud was too gross and 
palpable, and it was too evident from what quarter they 
came, and with what views they were presented. But 
what are the grounds upon which they now bring for- 
ward this question of reform? — First they state, that 
from the general burst of loyalty expressed by the nation 
upon the first alarm, there is no reason to fear that the 
people will pass beyond the bounds of discretion, and that 
no season can be more favorable for a temperate reform 
than that in which they have so strongly testified their 
-attachment to the established order of things, and their 
reiuctance to any change. Of this temper they recom- 
mend to us to take the advantage. But how stands the 



A. 17S3. WILLIAM PlTT. *7 

case ? The fact, I grant, is indeed, true. But it is also 
true, that societies in this country have been anxiously- 
seeking not to obtain reform, but to find cause of dis- 
satisfaction, riot to allay the violence of innovation but to 
influence discontent. Is it then out of deference to that 
small party, actuated by such principles, and pursuing 
such a line of conduct, that we are to grant a reform, 
and not out of respect to the great body of the people of 
England, animated by a spirit of the purest loyalty, and 
too much attached to the blessings of the constitution and 
the present government, to wish to hazard them by a 
change ? What then is the question at issue ? It is the 
same question which is now at issue with the whole of 
Europe, who are contending for the cause of order, of 
justice, of humanity, of religion, in opposition to anarchy, 
to injustice, to cruelty, to infidelity. Are we to yield 
then to the clamours of dissatisfaction and discontent I 
and are we to disregard the voice of satisfaction and 
gratitude? are we, in order to gratify the caprice, or 
soothe the insolence of a few disaffected, to neglect the 
benefit of the common body ? Are we, at a moment of 
emergency like this, when the great cause of all is at 
stake, to suspend our cares for the public welfare, and 
attend to the discussion of petty claims, and the redress 
of imaginary grievances ? Are we, at such a moment, in 
order to please a few individuals, to hazard the conse- 
quence of producing alarm and distrust in the general 
body, firm and united in the common cause? I shall not 
proceed to remark on the precise nature of the motion 
itself. The motion is, to refer to a committee one of 
those petitions for a reform which have been presented 
to the house. Whether the honorable gentleman who 
made the motion means likewise to refer them all, is a 
point of which 1 am not ascertained. (Mr. Grey here 
nodded asseftt.) If he means to refer them all, my 
reasoning on the subject is reduced to a very short com- 
pass. Ougiit we to refer to a committee to deliberate 
on the measure of unlimited suffrage ? The circumstance 
of having moved to refer the prayers of the petitions, 
without having pointed out any specific plan for obtaining 
their object, most clearly has a tendency to excite dis- 
content, without affording the means of allaying iu 
K 



T8 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

Though I formerly moved for a general inquiry, I was 
afterwards convinced that it would be attended with na>y 
good effect, and abandoned the motion. I became sen- 
sible that there was no chance of obtaining any advan- 
tage but by bringing forward a specific proposition. If 
I thought so then, how much more must I now be con- 
firmed in the same opinion? If any object is proposed 
for discussion, it ought to be specific. The contrary 
mode can tend only to perplex the discussion, and to 
render it productive of mischief. I shall now shortly 
observe on the manner of introducing this business. The 
honorable gentleman stated fairly and candidly, that he 
brought forward the present question, not on the ground 
of right, but of expediency. I think so too. To talk of 
an abstracted right of equal representation, is absurd. 
It is to arrogate that right to one form of government, 
whereas Providence has accommodated the different 
forms of government to the different states of society in 
which they subsist. There are as many different rights 
as the causes which occur to diversify the modes of go- 
vernment. But though the honorable gentleman dis- 
claimed the ground of general and abstracted right, he 
has so far enlarged his ground of expedience as to em- 
brace the mode of reasoning, by which that wild theory 
is supported. He has declared himself ready to take 
even universal suffrage, that mode which he approves the 
least, rather than to suffer the constitution to remain as 
it is. I so far differ with him, tbat I would rather aban- 
don what I conceived to be the best plan of reform, than 
jisk the consequences of any hazard to the constitution, 
as it at present subsists. Can I then embark in the same 
committee with the honorable gentleman, while he re- 
jects the only plan on which I have contended for reform, 
and is ready to give in to that which he himself deems 
the worst? I must confess myself alarmed at the extent 
to which he carries his object, I see no probability of a 
temperate reform, and, if granted, it would not even an- 
swer the end for which it is demanded. So far from 
satisfying those who solicit it, it would only extend their 
views and multiply and encourage their claims ; they 
want not a parliamentary reform for itself, but for some- 
thing else, which they have in prospect. They consider 



A. 1792. WILLIAM PITT. 79 

k not as the end of their wishes, but the only means 
.which may lead to their accomplishment. But here we 
are told, that by refusing this reform, we are acting upon 
the same principle by which we lost America, by not 
complying with the demands of that country. The 
Americans desired specific relief; they pointed out a 
definite object with which they pledged themselves to be 
satisfied. Here no specific relief is demanded, no defi- 
nite object is pointed out. You are desired to give what 
nobody asks; and to those who tell you, that even if you 
give it them they will not be satisfied; my plan went to 
give vigor and stability to the ancient principles of the 
constitution, and not to introduce into it any new prin- 
ciples. The merit of the British constitution is to be 
estimated, not by metaphysical ideas, not by vague 
themes, but by analysing it in practice. Its benefits are 
confirmed by the sure and infallible test of experience; 
In the history of the country, from the earliest period 
down to that in which I now speak, the number of elec- 
tors have always been few, in proportion to that of the 
great body of the people. My plan went to regulate the 
distribution of the right of electing members, to add some 
and to transfer others ; when such was my plan, am I 
to be told that I have been an advocate for parliamentary 
reform, as if I had espoused the same side of the question 
which is now taken up by these honorable gentlemen, 
and am now resisting that cause which I had formerly 
supported ? I affirm that my plan is ten times more con- 
trary to that of the right honorable gentleman than his 
to the constitution ; nay, I go farther ; I agree with the 
honorable gentleman (Mr. Windham) that to adopt the 
system now proposed, is to adopt the principle of the 
Trench code, and follow the example of their legislators. 
As these principles are unknown in the history of this 
country, it is to France only that we can look for their 
origin. The same principle which claims individual suf- 
frage, and affirms that every man has an equal right' to a 
share in the representation, is that which serves as the 
basis of that declaration of rights on which the French 
legislators have founded their government. We ought 
to recollect that there are 250 persons who possess an 
equal voice in the legislature with that of this house ; that 



£0 THE LIFE OF A. 1793. 

there is a king whc, to the third of the legislature, adds 
the whole of the executive power ; and if this principle of 
individual suffrage be granted, and he carried to its ut- 
most extent, it goes to subvert the peerage, and to depose 
the king, and, in fine, to extinguish every hereditary 
aisti notion and every privileged order, and to establish 
that system of equalising anarchy announced in the code 
of French legislation, and attested in the blood of the 
massacres at Paris. The question then is, whether you 
will abide by your constitution or hazard a change, with 
all that dreadful train of consequences with which we 
have seen it attended in a neighboring kingdom ? Abide 
by your constitution, did I say ? It cannot be necessary 
for me to add a word more. But I would not stop there 
if it were possible to go farther. If it were possible for 
an Englishman to forget his attachment to the constitu- 
tion and his loyalty to the sovereign — if it were possible 
for him to lose all those generous feelings which bind 
him to his country and secure his obedience to its laws 
—if it were possible for him to sacrifice all these to those 
principles which are brought forward to support a change 
of government, yet if he should attend only to reason, 
he would find them wild and illusive theories. He would 
find the principal of individual will powerful and efficient 
to the destruction of every individual and of every com- 
munity, but to every good purpose null and void. He 
would find that those rights which entitle all to an equal 
share in the government are rights which only serve to 
remove them from useful labor, from sober industry, and 
from domestic connections, and which abandon them to 
be the slaves of every idle caprice, and of every destruc- 
tive passion. The government that adopts such princi- 
ples, ceases to be a government; it unties the bands 
-which knit together society, it forfeits the reverence and 
obedience of its subjects; it gives up those whom it 
ought to protect, to the daggers of the Marseillois and 
the assassins of Paris. Under a pretence of centering 
all authority in the will of the many, it establishes the 
worst sort of despotism. Such is the state of that wretch- 
ed country, France, the detestable policy of which has 
added new words to the dictionary, such as the phrases 
of municipalities declaring themselves in a state of far- 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 81 

mancnt revolution^ and the nation itself in a state of sove- 
reign insurrection ! In what is called the government of 
the multitude, they are not the many who govern the 
few, but the few who governs the many. It is a species 
of tyranny which adds insult to the wretchedness of its 
subjects, by styling its own arbitrary decrees the voice of 
the people, and sanctioning its acts of oppression and cru- 
elty under the pretence of the national will. Such is the 
nature of those principles, connected with the right of in- 
dividual suffrage ; and how far you are prepared to give 
countenance to that measure, by referring it to a com- 
mittee as a subject of deliberation, you are now called 
upon to determine." 

One of the most important objects of parliamentary 
consideration, during the present session, was the state 
of mercantile credit. The circulating specie being by 
no means sufficient to answer the very greatly augment- 
ed demands of trade, the quantity of paper currency 
which was brought into circulation as a supplying medi- 
um, was so large and disproportionate, that a scarcity of 
cash was produced, which threatened a general stagna- 
tion in the commercial world. In consequence of the 
distress and alarm which this stagnation had caused, Mr. 
Pitt proposed that a select committee should be appoint- 
ed to inquire into facts, ar.d explore their causes; and 
the subject being investigated, it was found that the em- 
barrassments arose from the precipitation, and not the in- 
ability of British merchants. Mr. Pitt proposed, that 
government should advance money on the security of 
mercantile commodities, by issuing exchequer bills, to 
be granted to merchants for a limited time, and bearing 
legal interest. The bill was passed into a law, the tem- 
porary embarrassment was removed, and manufactures 
and trade again became flourishing. In raising the sup- 
plies, the minister felt the stagnation of mercantile cre- 
dit. A loan of 4,500,0001. was raised at a premium of 
8 per cent. The new duties were 10 per cent, on the as- 
sessed taxes, an additional duty on British spirits, on bills, 
receipts and game licenses. 

On the 17th of June, Mr. Fox moved certain resolu- 
tions, expressing the request of the house that his ma- 
jesty would take the earliest opportunity of procuring 
H2. 



82 THE LIFE OF A. 1795, 

peace. Mr. Pitt opposed the address in a long speech. 
He said he did not hesitate to declare the motion to be 
the most impolitic and preposterous, and only calculated 
to amuse and delude the people, by holding out the pos- 
sibility of peace when, in reality, it was impossible. You 
have seen, said Mr. Pitt, yourselves and all Europe at- 
tacked — when you have seen a system established, vio-* 
lating all treaties,- disregarding all obligations, and, un- 
der the name of the rights of man, uniting the princi- 
ples of usurpation abroad, tyranny and confusion at 
heme, you will judge whether you ought to sit down 
■without some security against the consequences of such 
a system being again brought into action. And this se- 
curity, it appears to me, can only be obtained in one of 
three modes: — first, that these principles shall no longer 
predominate; or second, that those who are now engaged 
in them shall be taught that they are impracticable, and 
convinced of their own want of power to carry them in- 
to execution; or third, that the issue of the present war 
shall be such, as by weakening their power of attack 
shall strengthen your power of resist^ce. Without 
these, you may, indeed, have an armed truce, a tempo- 
rary suspension of hostilities ; but no permanent peace f 
no solid security to guard you against -the repetition of 
injury and the renewal of attack. The present motion 
can only tend to fetter the operations of war, to delude 
our subjects, to gratify the factious, to inflame the dis- 
contented, to discourage our allies, to strengthen our en- 
emies. What could be the effect of any negotiation for 
peace in the present moment? It is not merely to the 
character of Marat, with whom we would have to treat, 
that I object; it is not to the horror of those crimes, in 
every stage, rising one above another in point of enor- 
mity; but 1 object to the consequences of that charac- 
ter, to the effect of those crimes. They are such as 
render negotiation useless, and must entirely deprive of 
stability any peace which could be concluded in such cir- 
cumstances. All the crimes which disgrace history have 
occurred in one country, in a space so short, and with 
circumstances so highly aggravated, as outrun' thought, 
and exceed imagination. Should we treat with Marat, 
before we had finished the negotiation, he might again 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 33 

have descended to the dregs of the people, from whom 
he sprung, and have given place to a still more desperate 
villain. But if the motion can answer no good purposes 
can it answer no bad one? Might in not serve to encou* 
rage the French? What the honorable gentleman re- 
served as the last part of his argument, seemed to have 
this tendency, the conclusion which he drew of the ne- 
cessity of a peace from the situation of the country* If 
we are really come to that period of distress, we must, 
indeed submit to the decrees of Providence with such 
resignation as we would submit to the sacrifice of our 
independence. If the period of our ruin is come, we 
must prepare to meet the fate which we cannot avert ; 
we cannot meet it in any shape more dreadful than that 
which is proposed by the motion of the honorable geiv 
tleman. But our situation is not yet so desperate. With 
respect to the embarrassment of credit, and the conse- 
quent interruption of commerce, I may safely say, that 
none have watched it more carefully than, myself, none 
can have felt it more anxiously. The honorable gen- 
tleman states the means of relief, which have been adopt*- 
ed by the legislature, as, in his opinion, a proof of the 
extent of the calamity ; for my part, I have formed a 
very different conclusion. The effect of the relief held 
out by the legislature, even before it was experienced? 
was completely to restore confidence and vigor to com- 
merce — a proof that the embarrassed state of credit was 
only temporary, and, in great measure, accidental. The 
present motion, by magnifying the inconvenience which 
we have sustained into a calamity, is calculated to give 
a false impression, and give to what at most could only 
be the object of apprehension at home, all the mischiev- 
ous consequences of a real distress abroad. It is calcu~ 
lated to discourage our allies, and inspire our enemies 
wuth confidence. Having thus given my opinion as a 
member of parliament, there are some allusions which 
have been made to me, as a member of the cabinet* 
which I am called upon to notice. 1 have only to say^ 
that if there is any difference in opinion between me and 
other members of the cabinet, I can only assure him, 
that I am the most determined to oppose the grounds 
and principles upon which this motion is founded. I have 



84 THE LIFE OF A. 1794, 

spoken at much greater length than at first I intended; 
but on this subject, whenever it occurs, I find it impos- 
sible to keep those bounds which I had prescribed to my- 
self, prompted, as I am, to enlarge, by the dearest feel- 
ings and principles of my heart, affection and gratitude 
to my sovereign, and that duty which I owe as member 
of th£ community. 

In this year the United Irishmen first assembled, and the 
Scotch convention of delegates. As their purposes were 
known we shall pass over the current events, till the 
meeting of parliament on the 21st of Jan. 1794. Mr. 
Fox moved an amendment to the proposed address re- 
commending his majesty to treat, as speedily as possi- 
ble, for a peace with France, upon safe and advantageous 
terms, without any reference to the nature or form of the 
government that might exist in that country. Mr. Pitt said, 
that the present war had not been hastily and rashly en- 
gaged in, but after due deliberation and mature convic- 
tion. It had been the opinion of the majority of that 
house, and of the great body of the nation, that it was 
undertaken upon grounds strictly defensive; and that 
the nation were equally compelled to engage in it by the 
obligations, of duty, and the urgency of necessity. As to 
the objects of the war, they had frequently been brought 
forward in the course of last session, and unless it can 
be shewn, that we were originally mistaken ; that tfyey 
were not proper objects of contest; or that they are'aK 
ready gained; the obligations and necessity which ori- 
ginally induced us to undertake the war, operate with 
equal force at the present moment. He had placed the 
termination of the war upon two circumstances.; first, 
the being able to procure a peace upon terms likely to 
-render it secure and permanent; and secondly, an in- 
demnity suitable to expense incurred by carrying on the 
war. He had always asserted, that if a peace could be 
made upon terms of security to this country, no consi- 
deration of the detestable characters of the ruling men 
in France, or of the crimes and horrors with which they 
were sullied, ought to influence this country to reject 
such terms. From the nature of the French govern- 
ment, there could be no dependence on the characters of 
whom it was composed. The shifting of persons took 



A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 85 

place like the shifting of scenes; but this change of per- 
sons produced no alteration in the conduct of the drama; 
the principles and proceedings still continued the same; 
or only were distinguished in their progress by increased 
gradations of enormity. — On the 21st of May, a new 
government, more dreadful in its character, and more fatal 
in its effects, than any which preceded it, had taken place 
—this was the revolutionary government— one of the 
leading features of which was the abolition of religion. 
The extinction of religious sentiment was intended to 
pave the way for the introduction of fresh crimes, and 
entirely to break asunder those bands of society which 
had been already loosened. A second measure of this go- 
vernment was the destruction of property ; a precedent 
which tended not less to destroy all ideas of justice, than 
the former to extinguish all sentiments of piety. These 
crimes, however, they contrived to convert into sources 
of revenue. From the pillage of the churches — from 
the destruction of property — from the confiscation of the 
effects of those who were condemned, they derived the 
means for conducting their military operations. They 
pushed every resource to its utmost extent; resources 
so desperate afford in themselves the most certain symp- 
toms and indications of the approaching decay of that 
system with which they are connected. If then such be 
the system, if such the means of its support, what pros- 
pect can there be of either stability or permanence to 
the present order of things? As to the question of the 
honorable gentleman, continued the chancellor of the 
exchequer, whether I am never to make peace with the 
Jacobins it is extremely difficult to answer; and it would 
be neither prudent nor rational in me to give him any 
definitive reply in the present moment. The question 
of pursuing the war must, in every instance, depend up- 
on the convenience with which it can be carried on to 
ourselves, and of that you must be best qualified to judge. 
The honorable gentleman's motion is certainly couched 
in very general terms, and such as might take in every 
thing that I have contended for. It recommends to his 
majesty, to conclude a peace whenever it can be done 
upon safe and advantageous terms, without any reference 
to the nature and form of government which may exist 



86 THE LIFE OF A. 1794., 

in France. I likewise am of opinion, that a safe and ad- 
vantageous peace ought to be concluded ; but that the 
security and benefits of that peace must depend upon 
the establishment of a government essentially different 
from the present; but though the motion, from the ge- 
neral terms in which it is expressed, is calculated to gain 
no precise object, it is yet capable of much mischief; it 
means and says, that this house entertains sentiments 
different from those expressed by his majesty in his 
speech. It holds out to our allies, that they are no long- 
er to consider us as eager in the cause* while it must 
impart encouragement and confidence to our enemies* 
The honorable gentleman has said, that a treaty with 
the French government would afford us as good a secu- 
rity for the continuance of peace, as that which we de- 
rive from the treaty of Ryswick or Utrecht. He then, 
in his usual way, entered into a declamation against 
kings, and said, that we might place equal dependence 
on the good faith of the present government of France, 
as on that of the court of Louis XIV. This I expressly 
deny; and I affirm, that had the king even succeeded 
in his ambitious projects to their full extent, what we 
should then have suffered might have been considered 
as a deliverance,, compared with what must be the con- 
sequence of success attending the present French sys- 
tem. All the splendor of his court, all the abilities" of 
his generals and discipline of his armies, all the great 
exertions which he was enabled to make, proceeded from 
a high sentiment of honor. No such principles actuate 
the conduct of the present French rulers. They have 
contrived to banish all restraints, and with an ambition 
more insatiable, they have at their disposal, means of 
destruction much more formidable than that monarch 
ever possessed in the plenitude of his power. The 
honorable gentleman has inaccurately stated, that I at- 
tach the same degree of importance to the restoration 
of monarchy in France, as to the destruction of the pre- 
sent system; this is by no means the case. I attach im- 
portance to the restoration of monarchy, from an opinion, 
that in the present state of France, some settled form 
should take place, in which the greater part of the peo- 
ple may be disposed to concur. The ancient govern- 



A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 87 

ment I consider as affording the best materials upon 
which they could work in introducing any change into 
the fabric of their constitution: besides, as I have thought 
it incumbent in any interference which I proposed in the 
internal affairs of that country, to consult chiefly the 
happiness of the people, monarchy appeared to me the 
system most friendly to their true interests. But there 
is one part of the argument of my noble friend, to which 
I must particularly call your attention, and which, inde- 
pendently of every other consideration, precludes even 
the possibility of our treating with France in the present 
moment. A decree has been passed by the convention, 
forbidding to treat with any enemy till they shall have 
evacuated the territories of the republic; and on the 1 1th 
of April it was again decreed, that those persons should be 
punished with death who should propose to treat with any 
power which should not have previously acknowledged 
the independence of the French nation, and the unity 
and indivisibility of the republic, founded upon liberty 
and equality. Are you then to withdraw your armies, 
to deprive yourself of the co-operation of your allies, to 
forego all your acquisitions, to give up Conde, Quesnoi, 
Tobago, Fort Louis, all the factories in the East Indies? 
Should you consent to do all this ; should you even has- 
ten to send an ambassador to treat with the convention, 
and the right honorable gentleman (Mr. Fox) I believe 
on a former occasion, volunteered himself for that ser- 
vice, you not only must acknowledge the unity and in- 
divisibility of the French republic, but you must do so 
in their own way. You must acknowledge it as founded 
on liberty and equality. You must subscribe to the 
whole of their code, and by this act, sanction the depo- 
sition of your sovereign and the annihilation of your le- 
gislature. It may be said, that they would not insist up- 
on all this to its full extent; but of this I can have but 
little confidence, when I compare their past declarations 
and their conduct. To whatever pitch of extravagance 
they may have reached in what they have said, the ab- 
surdity of their expressions has in every instance been 
surpassed by the outrages of their conduct. We are 
called in the present age to witness the political and 
moral phenomenon of a mighty and civilized people, 



38 THE LIFE OF A. 1794. 

formed into an artificial horde of banditti, throwing off 
all die restraints which have influenced men in social 
life, displaying a savage valor directed by a sanguinary- 
spirit, forming rapine and destruction into a system, and 
perverting to their detestable purposes, all the talents 
and ingenuity which they derived from their advanced 
stage of civilization, all the refinements of art, and the 
discoveries of science. We behold them uniting the 
utmost savageness and ferocity of design with consum* 
mate contrivance, and skill in execution ; and seemingly 
engaged in no less than a conspiracy to exterminate from 
the face cf the earth, all honor, humanity, justice, and 
religion. In this state, can there be any question but 
to resist, where resistance alone can be effectual, till 
such time, as by the blessing of providence upon our en- 
deavors, ve shall have secured the independence of this 
country, and the general interests of Europe?" — Mr. 
Pitt carried the address by a majority of 277 against 59. 
The sentence of Messrs. Muir and Palmer, came un- 
der the cognizance of parliament on the 27th. Mr. Pitt, 
however, took no part in the debate, but on a subsequent 
occasion, he gave his opinion in favor of the justice of 
the sentence. On the 3d of February, in a debate upon 
the military force to be employed, Mr. Pitt thus stated 
the comparative situation of the country, at the com- 
mencement of the war and at that time : " You have 
now 85sOOO seamen voted, of whom seventy-five thou- 
sand are at present borne and mustered. You have 
made an addition to your army of above 30,000 men. — 
You have in your pay a considerable number of auxiliary- 
troops — a force, which at the commencement of the war 
had no existence. You have thus, both from the situa- 
tion in which you stand with respect to the enemy, and 
from the increased means which you possess to carry on 
the contest, the most flattering prospect of final success. 
In this discussion Mr. P. also admitted, that he had a 
considerable share in advising the expedition to Dunkirk, 
and that he did not shrink from the smallest part of the 
responsibility — that if he had piven wrong advice, how- 
ever he might regret the consequences, he should cer- 
tainly fcei no shame in avowing the error. There was 
but one circumstance, he affirmed, which led to the rais- 



A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 89 

ing of the siege, and that was the discomfiture of the co- 
vering army of Austrians under General Freytag. He 
then entered into the vindication of the affair of Toulon, 
and affirmed, that both in the acquisition, in the defence, 
and in the evacuation, eminent merit was displayed." 

On the 5th, the ways and means were submitted to the 
house; 19 millions were necessary, and the new taxes 
were laid on bricks and tiles, British and foreign spirits, 
slate, stone, glass, paper, and attornies' indentures. 

The punishment of the Scotch emissaries of sedition, 
did not deter similar projectors in England. On the 13th 
of May a committee of secresy was appointed, to exa- 
mine the papers of certain persons, Mess. Home Tooke, 
Hardy, and others, who had been taken into custody. On 
the 16th Mr. Pitt presented the first report, and stated 
at great length his view of its contents. He traced the 
history and proceedings of the societies for the last two 
years; they had adopted, he said, the monstrous doc- 
trines of the rights of man, which seduced the weak 
and ignorant to overturn government, law, property, se- 
curity, and whatever was valuable; which had destroyed 
whatever was valuable in France, and endangered the 
safety, if not the existence of every nation in Europe. 
The object of all these societies was the practical incul- 
cation of such doctrines. A correspondence, prior to 
the enormities of France, had subsisted between these 
societies and the French Jacobin clubs. When the Ja- 
cobin faction, which usurped the government, had com- 
menced hostilities against Great Britain, these societies, 
as far as they could, had pursued the same conduct, ex- 
pressed the same attachment to their cause, adopted 
their appellations, and formed the design of dissemina- 
ting the same principles. Their operations were chiefly- 
directed to manufacturing towns. They considered the 
convention at Edinburgh as the representatives of the 
people, asserttd the innocence of those members who 
fell under the sentence of the law, and declared they 
could only look for reform in such a convention. But 
the chief attention of the house was required in consi- 
dering a society, though composed of the meanest and 
most despicable of the people, who acted upon the worst 
Jacobin principles and had within it the means of the 

I 



9Q THE LIFE OF A. 1794. 

most unbounded extension and rapid increase. This so* 
ciety, comprehending thirty divisions in London, was 
connected by a systematic correspondence, with other 
societies scattered through the manufacturing towns. It 
had arrived at such a pitch of audacity as to declare its 
competence to watch over the progress of legislation; 
to investigate its principles; to prescribe limits for its 
actions, beyond which if it presumed to advance, an end 
was to be put to the existence of parliament itself. Re- 
cently this corresponding society had laid before the con- 
stitutional society a plan for assembling a convention for 
all England. The evident object of the proposed meet- 
ing, in Mr. Pitt's opinion, was to exercise legislative 
and judicial capacities, to overturn the established sys- 
tem of government, and to wrest from the parliament 
the power which the constitution had lodged in their 
hands. This plan was to be speedily carried into exe- 
cution, and Sheffield was chosen to faciliate the meeting 
of their delegates. An assembly had been held on the 14th 
of April, and resolutions were passed which arraigned 
every branch of the government; threatened the sove- 
reign, insulted the house of peers, and accused the com- 
mons of insufficiency ; declarations were uttered, that if 
certain measures were pursued, whether with or with- 
out the consent of parliament, they should be rescirded; 
and that the constitution was utterly destroyed. The 
proofs of these allegations were their own records; and 
it further appeared from the report, that arms had been 
actually procured and distributed by the societies; and 
that so far from breaking up this Jacobin army, they had 
shewn themselves immoveably bent on their pursuit, and 
displayed preparations of defiance and resistance to go- 
vernment. From all these facts, Mr. Pitt inferred there 
was a very dangerous conspiracy, which it became them, 
by seasonable interference, to prevent from being car- 
ried into execution. In times of apprehended rebellion 
it had been usual to enact a temporary suspension of the 
habeas corpus law ; that act had been suspended when 
the constitution and liberty of the country were most 
guarded and respected ; and such a suspension was more 
particularly called for at this crisis, when attempts were 
made to disseminate principles dangerous to that con- 



A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 91 

stitution, for the preservation of which the law had been 
made; Mr. Pitt, therefore, proposed a bill "empower- 
ing his majesty to secure and detain all persons suspect- 
ed of designs against his crown and government. Mr. 
Fox expressed his astonishment that the committee, 
should solemnly call the attention of the house to facts 
so long notoriout; the allegations reported by the com- 
mittee were chieily repetitions of stale advertisements. 
What was the real account, taken apart from the com- 
ments of Mr. Pitt's eloquence? Societies had been con- 
stituted for the purposes of parliamentary reform ; they 
had corresponded together; and they had correspond- 
ed with France when at peace with this country. A 
convention was proposed for the purposes of reform 
in England; and this was the only new information. 
The project was in itself contemptible and ridiculous, 
and could not really alarm the minister, or any man 
in his senses. No grounds were adduced that could 
possibly justify such a momentous intrenchment on the 
liberties of the subject as this bill proposed. Mr. Pitt 
prevailed, and the proposition of ministers passed into a 
law. In the after-discussion of the habeas corpus act 
suspension bill, Mr. Pitt entered minutely into the views 
and objects of these societies — he read more extracts 
from the corresponding society. In one of their pro- 
ceedings they appoint a committee to watch over the 
proceedings of parliament, with a view to control what- 
ever may appear to them improper conduct, expressing, 
at the same time, that as no redress of their grievances 
was to be expected from that quarter, it was their duty 
to repel tyranny by the same means by which it was sup- 
ported. He then said, with regard to nothing new be- 
ing in the report until the seizure of those papers, the 
correspondence with the club at Norwich* had never 

* During the success of the French, a few of the lowest class 
waited upon a worthy magistrate of that city, who was supposed 
to favor " the cause of liberty," and congratulated him upon the 
progress of their principles, and at the same time upon the ge- 
neral division of property which would now very soon be made. 
Well, gentlemen, said the magistrate, but this will fall hard up- 
on some ; for instance, Mr. Coke, of Holkham, surely you will 
allow him some means of maintenance, since not being accus- 



?3 THE LIFE OF A. 1794. 

been known, and it was one of the most important dis- 
coveries that those papers contained, as it brought to 
light the general intention of assembling their Jacobin 
convention. The other subjects of parliamentary dis- 
cussion during this important session, were the tempo- 
rary introduction of the Hessian troops, previous to their 
employment in the expedition for which they were en- 
gaged — the bill for the emigrant forces — the voluntary 
contributions — foreign subsidies — the bill to prevent sums 
voted in the British funds from being seized by the French 
rulers — motions of inquiry, tending to the censure of 
ministry, and motions for the re-establishment of peace. 
Upon most, and indeed all of these matters Mr. P. spoke 
at large, and with astonishing powers. His measures 
were supported by the same great majorities. The par- 
liament was prorogued on the 1 1th of July. 

The unfortunate termination of the campaigns in 1794, 
are well remembered. Holland being evacuated by the 
British, yielded to the republican armies. In France, 
the tyranny of Robespierre and of the Jacobin clubs had 
. I by Iiis death. Social order began to re-ap- 
pear. In Great Britain, the trial of Watt and Downie 
at Edinburgh, and of Hardy and others in England, for 
high treason, had principally occupied the public atten- 
tion. The volunteer associations had been set on foot. 
A treaty was concluded between Great Britain and 
America, tending powerfully to promote the political 
amity and commercial benefit of both countries. Several 
changes took place in the administration, making room 
for the whigs, who had seceded from Mr. Fox at the 
commencement of the war: Lord Fitzvvilliam* was made 



tomed to labour, he would hardly be able to obtain support. Why 
ay, said these legislators, that 's true, we had not considered that; 
to be sure he is one of us, and he ought to have some allowance. 
Well, gentlemen, and what do you propose? Why, 3001. a- 
year! Don't you think that would be enough? Why, upon my 
word, I think he ought to have 3001. a-year; and so, good morn- 
ing, gentlemen. 

* Earl Wentworth Fitzwilliam was born in 1748, and 
at the age of eight years succeeded to the titles and extensive 
estates of his father. At a ven early age he was put to Eaton 
school, where be was the associate of Mr. Fox and the Earls 



A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 9S 

viceroy of Ireland, the Duke of Portland third secretary 
of state, Mr. Windham secretary at war, and Earl Spen- 
cer* first lord of the admiralty. 



of Carlisle and Dorchester, and by the amenity and frank- 
ness of his disposition obtained the esteem of all who knew him. 
Removed from this seminary, which has fostered so much ge- 
nius and produced so »mich learning, Earl Fitzwilliam was enter- 
ed at King's College, Cambridge, and took the degree of Doctor 
of Laws. This scheme of education was made perfect by a visit 
to the continent. 

Rank, education, and talents gave him claims to consideration, 
greater than those of most of his cotemporaries, and the influence 
of these was increased by his marriage with the daughter of the 
late Earl of Besborough. 

The principles inculcated in the course of his education, and 
the connections of his youth, attached Earl Fitzwilliam to the 
whig party ; and, on taking his seat in the house of lords, he be- 
came the intrepid advocate of the Rockingham administration. 

But this brilliant career was interrupted, and the honors he 
would have earned were lost to him by the death of the Marquis 
of Rockingham, and afterwards by the base and dishonorable co- 
alition formed by Mr. Fox, himself and others with Lord North. 
In this disgraced administration Earl Fitzwilliam took the prin- 
cipal seat among the commissioners of India affairs, a situation 
somewhat analogous to the presidency of the board of control, 
in the present arrangement of the government of that country. 
But from this situation, with his companions, he was soon driven 
by the just indignation of the people of England, and at the 
same time he forfeited his extensive power and influence as the 
representative of the Marquis of Rockingham, in the county and 
city of York. 

Expelled from power, Earl Fitzwilliam took a distinguished 
part in the measures of opposition, and held so high a rank among 
its members, that when the affair of the regency was under con- 
sideration, he was destined by the friends of the heir apparent, 
for the vice -regency of Ireland. 

But an event was approaching, which was to have an impor- 
tant influence, as well on the private relations of her distinguished 
characters, as on the public concerns of Great Britain. An event 
which was to sever the strongest ties of friendship and confidence, 
and to dissolve the long and tried compact of principles and af- 
fection, between men who had previously entertained the high- 
est opinion of each other. This event was the French Revolution. 

The contests between administration and opposition had hereto- 
fore been supported by differences upon subjects of domestic po- 
licy, and each party had acknowledged as sacred and inviolable 
the principles of the English Constitution. But this event, calcu- 
lated by its baneful influence to shake to their foundations every 
12 



94 THE LIFE OF A. 1794; 

Parliament met on the 30th of Dec. 1794. His Ma- 
jesty's speech urged the necessity of perseverance in the 

well regulated government, and destined to deluge Europe with 
blood and misery, created advocates for tenets of a different cha- 
racter, and found among the companions and friends of Earl 
Fitzwilliam active and bold supporters. With these men he now 
thought it criminal to associate and obeying the prophetic and 
eloquent voice of Mr. Burke, he joined t *: opponents of French 
principles — French anarchy — and French ambition. 
- He was soon after appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. There 
he had long been known as the liberal patron of arts and manu- 
factures, and by his disinterestedness in the management of his 
large possessions in that country. He was welcomed to the helm 
of her affairs by the confidence of every one. ^ 

But the bright prospects which opened on the accession of his 
lordship to this government were soon clouded. Assuming a per- 
fect control over the country in which he presided as the repre- 
sentative of majesty, he refused his support to the principles of 
the administration by whom he had been named to this situation^ 
and by the measures he proposed to adopt, he would have de- 
feated every plan formed by Mr. Pitt and his friends. The-advo: 
eates of administration were driven from their places with dis- 
grace, and a general expulsion of all who adhered to its princi- 
ples was contemplated. Earl Fitzwilliam was immediately re- 
called. He soon after published two letters to his friend the 
Earl of Carlisle, on the leading features of his administration 
in Ireland. Since, this period Earl Fitzwilliam has refused to 
enlist himself under the banners of any party. Always a decided 
opponent to peace with France, he took an active part in the 
discussion of the separate treaty between Germany and. France 
in 1797, and in 1796 he entered his single protest upon the 
journals of the house of lords against a negotiation with the 
French Directory. He strenuously recommends measures of 
conciliation instead of coercion in the regulation of the affairs of 
Ireland, and in 1797 gave an active support to Earl Moira's mo- 
tion relative to that kingdom. 

By the junction of the Fitzwilliam and Rockingham estates; 
r.ow vested in him, his lordship sends five members to the house 
of commons, and his disinterestedness and patriotism in the dis- 
tribution of these honors have increased the splendor of his 
character. 

His liberality is unbounded. The number of private charities 
which he has been in the habit of dispensing for the last twenty 
years; and his frequent and secret donations are equalled by few 
among the affluent of this alms-giving age. 

Lord Fitzwilliam, now in his fifty-eighth year, is tall and slen- 
der, his countenance and manners engaging, pei-suasivc and at- 
tractive. He delights in the sports of the turf and the chase, 
exhibiting, in the midst of a splendid circle, the keenness of a 
sportsman, combined with the magnificence of a prince. — 180& 



A. 1T94. WILLIAM PITT. 95 

war, notwithstanding our disappointments, and augured 
the ultimate success of our allies, from the progressive 
and rapid decay of French resources, and the instability 
of every part of that unnatural system. Mr. Wilberforce 
having moved an amendment to the address, recom- 
mending a negotiation for peace, Mr. Pitt, in addition 



* George John Spencer, Earl Spencer, Viscount Althorpe, 
2cc. was born September 1, 1758. He received the early part of 
his education within his patenial mansion. It was, however, at 
length determined to give him the advantages of a public school, 
and accordingly he was sent to Harrow, and had the good fortune 
to procure as private tutor, the celebrated Sir William Jones. 
. When his studies were finished at Harrow, he was entered at 
Trinity College, Cambridge. Here he took a degree with great 
reputation to himself, being considered a very accomplished scho- 
lar. On leaving college he made the grand tour, and on his re- 
turn from his travels, was elected a member of the house of com- 
mons. Two years afterwards, he succeeded his father in his titles 
and estates. 

Descended from a whig family, and educated in whig principles, 
he was of course a whig. — But the French revolution, produced a 
fatal schism in this party. Lord Spencer was among those who went 
over to the ministry. He was rewarded with the appointment of first 
lord of the admiralty. His lordship's administration was exceed- 
ingly splendid. All the great naval victories of the late war were 
achieved under his auspices. On the retreat of Mr. Pitt there 
was a complete dissolution of the ministry. — With the premier 
fee retired to private life, seldom appearing in the house of lords, 
but on great occasions, till the breaking out of the present war, 
when, aroused by the critical situation of the country, and dis- 
trusting the abilities of Mr. Addington to meet the circumstances 
of so awful a juncture, he threw his influence into the powerful 
combination of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox to remove him. These 
united efforts were irresistible. Mr. Addington was soon com- 
pelled to resign. 

The scheme of a broad bottom administration, to embrace all 
the talents of the country without any regard to the distinctions 
of party, being defeated by the aversion of the king, as it is said, 
to admit. Mr. Fox into the cabinet, Lord Spencer with other of 
Mr. Pitt's former political friends, declined to accept places in 
any administration constructed on different principles. Accord- 
ingly in the new arrangement he was excluded. Though now 
separated from the minister, his opposition was only occasional and 
discriminate, and uniformly marked by the highest respect for the 
genius and wisdom of the premier. In the present ministry, form- 
ed after the death of Mr. Pitt, Lord Spencer holds the office o§ 
secretary of state for the home department. 



96 THE LIFE Of A. 1794. 

to his former arguments, said, the question now to be 
discussed might shortly be stated, whether the risk of 
making peace with the present government of France, 
was greater than that of continuing the war in the pre- 
sent condition of the resources of this country. What 
was the prospect which a peace with France, under the 
present circumstances, presented to this kingdom? Had 
we reason to expect from such a peace, any cordial in- 
tercourse, any desirable amity and friendship? should 
we be enabled to disband our armies, or disarm our fleets, 
or to put an end to the traitorous correspondence bill, 
and the other measures which had been passed, with a 
view to the preservation of public order and tranquillity? 
He could easily suppose that those gentlemen, who had 
in an early part of the evening, so decidedly given their 
opinion with respect to the late trials, and who had sup- 
posed all the persons in this country to be so pure, as 
not even to be infected by contact with Jacobin princi- 
ples, would foresee no danger from a French alliance. 
But such was not the case with his honorable friends, 
who, even in such an event, talked of the necessity of 
additional precautions, in order to guard the dignity of 
the crown, and preserve the tranquillity of the country. 
But this was not the only objection to abandoning the 
war in the present moment. We were desired to relin- 
quish the contest at a period at which all the natural and 
unnatural resources by which France had hitherto been 
enabled to persevere, were fast approaching to their ter- 
mination. Would the right honorable gentleman oppo- 
site, Mr. Fox, himself say, that England was in that 
state under which she should agree to a peace, leaving the 
Austrian Netherlands in possession of the French? In a 
few months after, Holland would certainly be added 
to that acquisition, and in a short time afterwards, the 
sword must b« drawn again, upon terms of much great- 
er disadvantage, than we had now to encounter in carry- 
ing on the war. All modern v>ars had been remarked 
to depend on a comparison of the means by which they 
were to be carried on. That state, however, which pos- 
sessed the superiority of resources had been found final- 
Iy to be successful. The great question between Great 
Britain and France, in the present contest, was— which 



A. 1794. WILLIAM PITT. 97 

should be able to hold out longest in point of pecuniary 
resources? The French existed, he said, by means as 
extraordinary as the events they brought about — their 
pecuniary expenses were beyond any thing ever known, 
and supported by requisition of person, life and property 
— they depended entirely upon terror. He then' stated, 
that since the revolution their expenditure amounted to 
480 millions sterling ; 320 millions sterling in two years, 
was the price of the efforts by which they wrested from 
the allies the conquests they had obtained. But was this 
to be considered as the scale of what they could spend? 
did these enormous sums arise from an increase of re- 
venue, or from an orderly system of finance ?-*-not at all 
—it arose from an unlimited paper credit; and all their 
own accounts concurred, he said, in declaring, that if 
carried any farther, it would be impossible to maintain 
any longer, much less to augment it, by any greater ag- 
gravations of the mischief of plunder and confusion. It 
had even been stated by their own leader, that it had now 
been carried to that point, beyond which it could not be 
extended without ruin to the country. Was it then too 
much to say, their resources were nearly at an end? 
The question then was — had we, under the present cir- 
cumstances, the prospect of being able to bring as great 
a force into the field, as would require from the French 
the same degree of exertion which had been necessary 
in the former campaigns? Even let it be supposed that 
Holland should fall, and that circumstances should be 
such, that we could no longer look for assistance from 
the court of Berlin, yet he could see no reason why the 
augmentation of the British force might not fully supply 
the loss, and even do something more valuable in point 
of effect, with respect to the operations of the war. He 
could see no reason, if we gave to Austria the pecuniary 
aid which it required as its own expense, why we might 
not be able, in conjunction with the augmented force, 
which, from the assistance of our credit, it would be 
enabled to bring forward, along too with the powers of 
Spnin and the states of Italy, to effect a powerful diver- 
sion, and accomplish the important purpose — -a purpose 
in the accomplishment of which, the happiness, almost 
the existence of Europe, entirely rested. Oppositioa 



98 THE LIFE OF A. 1795. 

contended on the contrary, that the enthusiasm of the 
French would support them against ail difficulties and 
find new resources. The house however supported the 
minister by a majority of 179. 

On the 26th of January, 1795, a motion was made by- 
Mr. Grey, " that the present state of the government of 
France ought not to preclude a negotiation for peace.* 
The old arguments on both sides were recapitulated ; and 
Mr. Pitt again distinctly declared, that ministers had 
never entertained the idea of the conquest of France-^ 
that security was their object. 

The force required by Britain for the service of 1795, 
amounted to 100,000 seamen, 120,000 regulars for the 
guard and garrisons of the kingdom, 66,000 militia, and 
40,000 men employed partly in Ireland and partly in the 
West Indies and the plantations, exclusive of fencibles 
and volunteers, foreign troops in British pay, and em- 
bodied French emigrants. The sums required to main- 
tain this force, with the extraordinaries and ordnance for 
the Sardinian subsidy, and all the public services of the 
year, amounted to twenty-seven millions, five hundred 
and forty thousand pounds, requiring a loan of eighteen 
millions. The taxes were upon wine, foreign and Bri- 
tish spirits, tea, coffee, insurances, foreign grocery and 
fruits, timber, increase of post-office duty by abridging 
the privilege of franking, and on hair powder. The 
loan having been raised by private contract and not by 
open competition, was severely censured ; the terms 
were alleged to be, at least five per cent, more favora- 
ble to the contractors than was necessary. In furnish- 
ing the requisite force for the current year, greatly sur- 
passing the demands of former exigencies, it was neces- 
sary to consider the most speedy and effectual means 
for levying soldiers and sailors. On the 2d of Feb. Mr. 
Pitt proposed a new plan for manning the navy. He 
prefaced it by saying, there was only one general con- 
sideration to which he should call their attention in the 
outset of the business. All had expressed, and he 
trusted sincerely Lit, the necessity of great and unusual 
burdens, in order to meet the scale of exertion which it 
was incumbent upon the country to make in the present 
crisis. He trusted, that in the present instance, instead 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 99 

of attempts being made to throw the burden upon one 
particular class, instead of jealousy being produced be- 
tween interests mistakenly considered as opposite, all 
classes of the community would cheerfully unite to ex- 
amine what was the proportion which each could afford 
to bear, and in what manner the exertions of the coun- 
try could be most effectually called forth. 

In proposing the means by which the plan now before 
the committee might best be carried into effect, he must 
necessarily look to the principal sources of the national 
force. The principal of these undoubtedly was the trade. 
He should looti to the mercantile marine — first, as it was 
the quarter best qualified to supply the exertions, which 
were now called for ; and secondly, because so far as 
there was a separate interest, none were more interested 
than the ship-owners and merchants, that the country 
should be able to meet the naval force of the enemy, to 
maintain its superiority by sea, and to supply adequate 
convoys. The total cf the shipping of Scotland and 
England employed 100,000 men, and that the proportion 
of men to the tonnage, was about one man for every 
fourteen tons. He proposed to take about one seaman 
out of every seven who were employed; though indeed 
it was not necessary that they should be able men, as 
he would put an alternative, that the ship-owners, if they 
were so disposed, might, instead of one seaman, provide 
two landsmen; this was accomplished according to the 
tonnage. He computed that the whole number of men 
obtained in this way might amount to between eighteen 
and twenty thousand ; it was his intention also to call 
upon the country for some supply of landsmen for the 
service of the navy. This supply he meant to raise ac- 
cording to the number of parishes in the kingdom, and 
reckoning one man for the proportion, it might produce 
a force of about ten thousand men. The way in which 
he meant to ascertain the number, was oy a list of the 
inhabited houses, not exempted from taxes. The mode 
of distributing the proportion, and of arranging the means 
by which it was to be raised, he would iecive to the jus- 
tices of the peace, at a special session to be held for the 
purpose, providing only that a larger sum than should 
be adequate to the bounty given to volunteers, should be 



100 THE LIFE OF A, 1795, 

levied upon any parish which should be a defaulter; he 
also privileged a certain number of men out of those 
who were employed in the inland navigation, on navi- 
gable rivers and canals. After a few modifications the 
bill passed into a law. 

The preparations for the ensuing campaign, early in 
the session came under consideration. The emperor had 
signified his earnest inclination to make the most vigor- 
ous efforts against the common enemy, but intimated 
the necessity of pecuniary assistance, in a loan of four 
millions, on the credit of the revenues, which arose from 
his hereditary dominions; this would enable him to bring 
two hundred thousand men into the field. His Britan- 
nic majesty expressed his wish that the emperor should 
not only receive the desired supply, but also, that by 
means of a similar loan to a greater extent, he might 
be enabled to employ a still more considerable force; a 
message to that effect was, on the 4th of February, 1795, 
delivered to the house. Mr. Pitt made a motion for the 
loan required: in discussing this proposition, he said, 
there were three points to be considered; 1st, the utility 
of the co-operation of Austria; 2d, the security for the 
performance of the stipulations; and 3d, whether the 
risk of the loan itself was greater than the probable ad- 
vantage to be derived from the measure. We ought to 
consider the enemy with whom we had to contend; an 
enemy powerful in men and resources. If he was asked, 
where was the money to combat their resources? Where 
was the land force to encounter their requisition? Where 
was the navy to maintain its superiority on the sea? Such 
was the proud situation of this happy island, that all these 
were to be found in Great Britain. If there was any de- 
ficiency, it uas in the number of our land forces. It 
was necessary, therefore, that for these we should look 
to some great power on the continent; and to whom 
could we look but to the emperor? Both from the exten- 
sive means which he possessed, from his local situation, 
from the military character of his subjects, and from 
his interest in the prosecution of the present contest. 
But he did not merely rest upon this argument, arising 
out of the general situation of Europe. It was an ob- 
ject of policy to increase our force, when considered as 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 101 

acting upon our enemy in another mode. For "what he 
was now to mention with respect to the situation of 
France, he had the admission of persons who could not 
be inspected of giving an unfavorable statement. He 
had the admission of Tallien himself, corroborated by- 
several other commissioners and members of the con- 
vention, that the internal pressure of France was such, 
that it could not long be supported, unless the immense 
mass of paper currency was reduced. There existed 
no way of diminishing this mass, but by a diminution of 
their expenses, and those expenses could not be lessened 
unless their forces were reduced. It was necessary there- 
fore, that we should keep them up to the same scale of 
exertions, which must ultimately be fatal to their re- 
sources; and by bringing into the field a force equal to 
any which they could possibly supply, counteract their 
professed object, to make peace with some countries, in 
order that with a reduced establishment they might more 
successfully carry on the war against others. The ques- 
tion was, whether we would be parties to their scheme 
of policy, by allowing the emperor to withdraw his force 
for the want of pecuniary assistance. It was with the 
wish to pursue the war against this country with una- 
bated rancour, that they desired peace with the other 
powers of the confederacy. This argument brought him 
to the third point — the preservation of our naval superio- 
rity ; and here Mr. Pitt contended that this would be best 
pursued by directing the attention of the enemy from his 
marine, to which end the measure proposed would im- 
mediately tend. He said, that the earnestness of the 
emperor to conclude this loan had afforded full proof of 
his sincerity in the cause ; and that the advantage likely 
to result from the present measure was such as greatly 
to overbalance any risk with which it might be attended, 
was the clearest proposition that had ever presented it-, 
self to his mind. 

On the 24th of March, Mr. Fox moved, that the house 
of commons should resolve itself into a committee, to 
inquire into the state of the nation ; if, he said, when the 
public mind was evidently changed, the house should 
continue to- repose a blind confidence in ministers, to im- 
pose new burdens on the people, not only without re-. 
K 



£02 THE LIFE OF A. 179$. 

quiring them to negotiate, but even without demanding 
of them any account of the blood and treasure they had 
squandered, great advantage must be given to whoever 
wished to disseminate dissatisfaction. England must, it 
was manifest, sustain the whole weight of the war. Mr. 
Fox again insisted, in the strongest terms, upon the pro- 
priety and necessity of a specific avowal of the object of 
the war. Ministers had so shuffled and trimmed between 
different systems — they had dealt out their declarations 
and professions in such ambiguous language, that they 
had lost all claim and title to confidence ; he then advert- 
ed to the condition of Ireland, the irritated state of which 
was to be ascribed, according to every appearance, to the 
misconduct of ministers. Mr. Pitt said, that on the dif- 
ferent topics introduced in the speech of the right hon- 
orable gentleman, he would briefly call the attention of 
the house to the only true point of the motion which had 
just been made, which was the reference to the present 
situation of a sister kingdom, the other topics were mere- 
ly a repetition of all that had been so frequently advanced ; 
what he had rested upon as a separate and substantial 
ground of inquiry was the state of politics in that sister 
kingdom. However his speech might have assumed the 
shape of an elaborate and able discussion of the past and 
present situation of the country, it was evident that it 
was brought forward with a view to the difficulty and 
embarrassment of the particular crisis. He would not 
deny that in what had happened there was much which 
he had to regret; but he would venture boldly to state, 
for himself and his colleagues, that if any embarrass- 
ment had arisen in Ireland, it did not proceed from any 
declaration sanctioned by them, committing his majesty's 
government in that country. He would not now enter 
into the question, whether any blame was attached to 
the respectable person at the head of the government. 
He had only thought necessary to make an assertion in 
justice to himself and his colleagues, which he would de- 
fy, at any future period, to be disproved. What was the 
object of this motion but to countenance discontent un- 
der pretext of lamenting it, and to produce danger by 
the very means recommended for precaution. The dif- 
ferent grounds stated by the right honorable gentleman, 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 103 

as proper grounds of inquiry, comprehended the ques- 
tion of resources, population, revenue, foreign connec- 
tions, the objects of the war, and the means by which it 
was to be prosecuted. There was no point, political, 
financial, commercial, and almost speculative, that re- 
lated to the state of the country, which the right honor- 
able gentleman, in the course of his speech, had not 
contrived to embrace. But he would ask whether the 
house, at this advanced period of the session, and after 
the repeated declarations which they had made with re- 
spect to their views, were in a proper situation to be re- 
quired to enter into an inquiry which no length of ses- 
sion, and no accuracy of investigation could enable them 
to overtake. One unfortunate singularity which attend- 
ed the present motion, was that the house had already 
determined on these very questions, with respect to which 
it was proposed to institute an inquiry. The first ground 
on which the right honorable gentleman proposed to en- 
ter into a committee of inquiry, is in order to ascertain 
the state of the finances of the country ; that it is already 
ascertained by the vote of the house, of a loan of 1 8 mil- 
lions. The next ground which the right honorable gen- 
tleman had stated for going into a committee of inquiry, 
was to ascertain how far the population of the country 
had decreased. — No man could look without regret to 
the loss of those brave fellows, who had nobly fallen in 
the cause which they had proved themselves so worthy 
to defend. But after all, the diminution of numbers, 
which he had stated amounted to only 12,000, to this he 
had something much stronger to oppose, and which no 
speculative inference could be brought to overturn. At 
present the army was larger than it had ever been at a 
former period, and the navy upon a more respectable 
footing than it had been in any second year of a Avar. So 
far were manufactures from being decreased, that the 
export of last year was greater than it had been in any 
former year, excepting only two of the most flourishing 
years of peace. When this was stated to be the case, 
and it was considered that the army and navy were both 
at so great a pitch — a fact which had been mentioned by 
the right honorable gentleman, and which, he lamented, 



104 THE LIFE OF A, 1795. 

was partially true — that there were still manufacturers 
who were distressed for want of employment, proved 
directly the reverse of his own arguments, and shewed 
that the country, which could furnish so large a supply 
of men both for the service of war and the acts of peace, 
had suffered no material diminution in its population. 
The right honorable gentleman had next examined the 
situation of the country with respect to its allies. The 
house had now decided upon the general question of the 
prosecution of the war, and the inquiry proposed was in 
itself endless; it could tend to no practical result, and 
might lead to disclosures which would be attended with 
embarrassment and mischief. As to the king of Prussia, 
he had no hesitation to repeat what he stated upon a for- 
mer occasion, that he had not adequately performed his 
engagements, nor acted in such a manner as this coun- 
try had a right to expect. The question was, whether, 
-in consequence of this particular failure, we were to de- 
part from any general system, and because in one in- 
stance we had been disappointed, renounce all benefit to 
be derived from alliances with other powers. The right 
•honorable gentleman then came to the consideration of 
that often disputed point, namely, the object of the war. 
Upon this subject he would not have intruded one single 
word upon the house, had it not been that the right hon- 
orable gentleman had, in some degree, shifted his ground. 
He (Mr. Fox) had stated, that there were two lines of 
cont'irat which ministers might have adopted at the com* 
mencement of the war; each of these modes of conduct 
was attended by their respective advantages and disad- 
vantages; but both of them he affirmed to be preferable 
to the line of conduct adopted by his majesty's ministers. 
The first of these modes was, by carrying on what he 
^called a war against France; namely, to confine the ex- 
ertions of this country simply to protect our allies, and 
to revenge the insults offered to us, without, in any man- 
ner whatever, interfering in the internal commotions 
which might prevail in France. The other mode sug- 
gested, was that of carrying on a war for France, thu» 
"openly to avow that our efforts were directed to the for- 
mation of a regular government in France, and that our 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 10* 

conquests vveve only made in trust for Louis XVII. The 
right honorable gentleman had this night abandoned all 
his old arguments, for he formerly used to contend that 
we could not interfere at all in the internal affairs of 
France without violating every principle of justice and 
of the law of nations, but now the right honorable gen- 
tleman admits, that it would have been proper to have 
carried on the war expressly for the restoration of mo- 
narchy in France. With all possible respect for the right 
honorable gentleman's judgment, he thought that his 
majesty's ministers had conducted the war upon princi- 
ples more consonant to good sense and policy, than either 
of the systems stated by that gentleman. They had en- 
tered into a war for the defence of this country, and for 
the protection of our allies, in the prosecution of which 
they did not by any specific declarations, as to the inter- 
nal situation of France, prevent themselves from taking" 
every possible advantage of any favorable occurrences 
which might happen in France. Nor did they state that 
the restoration of monarchy, or any particular form of 
government in France^ was a sine<jua non, without which 
they would not make peace. This was the conduct of 
his majesty's ministers — this was the conduct which had 
frequently been explained to, and had as often received 
the approbation of the house of commons. Upon one 
point only he would detain the house for a few moments, 
and that was in reply to the charge made by the right 
honorable gentleman, of the want of attention in the ad- 
miralty to protect the trade of Great Britain. The charge 
was partly founded upon the increase in the price cf in- 
surance. It was true that from some causes the price 
of insurance had increased, but there were many circum- 
stances to be taken into consideration upon this subject. 
The great and unexampled extent of our commerce, 
which he had shewn in the former part of his speech; 
the almost total annihilation of the commerce of France, 
which led her to turn her attention to the equipment of 
.privateers to plunder our trade, which swarmed in every 
sea. In these circumstances it was not to be wondered that 
they should have made several captures of our merchant- 
men, which, however, he still affirmed to be not more 
numerous than in proportion to the increase of our trade-, 
K2 



Wo THE LIFE OF A. 1795. 

upon the whole, the question for the consideration of 
the house was, whether or not they were to retract all 
the opinions which they had so often and so solemnly 
pronounced; and whether they would employ concession 
and submission as the most likely means to obtain an 
honorable, a secure and a lasting peace. The right 
honorable gentleman had attempted, in the course of 
his speech, to confound every question of danger to be 
apprehended from the success of the French, and to con- 
found all regular government with the enemies of liber- 
ty. He had with the same anxiety, endeavoured to pal- 
liate all the excesses of the French, by calling them an 
enthusiasm in the cause of freedom. Entertaining such 
sentiments as these, it was natural for that right honor- 
able gentleman to forget all our advantages, while he 
remembered and often exaggerated our misfortunes. 
The chancellor concluded this argumentative speech with 
declaring, that although ministry were prepared and wil- 
ling to meet every inquiry into their conduct, he should 
move "that the house do adjourn." — The ayes were 
219, the noes 63. 

FFis royal highness the Prince of Wales's marriage 
with the daughter of the Duke of Brunswick had now 
taken place.* In consequence of a message from the 
king, stating the reliance of his majesty upon the gene- 
rosity of the house to enable him to settle an establish- 
ment upon the prince and princess, suited to their rank, 
and to relieve him from his present incumbrances, the 
house went on the 4th of May into a committee on this 
subject. Mr. Pitt declared that it was not his majesty's 
intention to require a specific sum for the discharge of 
the debts of his royal highness, but to set apart a certain 
portion of that income which might be granted by the 
liberality of parliament. The debts were stated by Mr. 
Pitt at between six and seven hundred thousand pounds. 
He therefore proposed that the revenue of his royal high- 

* It was, however, well understood that the prince acceded to 
this alliance with much reluctance— his attachment to the ac- 
complished Mrs. Fitzherbert, with whom the marriage ceremo- 
ny, though invalid by law, had undoubtedly passed, having suf- 
fered no diminution.— Belsham's hist, of Geo. Ill, vol. 5, .edit, of 
X801. 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 107 

ness should be 125,0001. that the jointure of the princess 
should be 50,0001. per annum, and that the proportion of 
the prince's income appropriated for the payment of his . 
debts should be vested in the hands of commissioners. 
And in order that effectual provision might be made to 
prevent the recurrence of any such claim in future, he 
recommended that no arrear should, on any pretence, 
go beyond the quarter. These propositions were finally 
acceded to by the house. Irish affairs at this season 
were extremely interesting. When Earl Fitzwiiliam 
accepted the viceroyalty, as he afterwards declared, he 
had been authorised to complete the catholic emancipa- 
tion; and as soon as he entered upon his office, he had 
prepared to put this measure into execution. The chief 
members of the Irish ministry at this time were the 
Beresford party, always inimical to the encouragement 
of catholics. Lord Fitzwiiliam dismissed from their of- 
fices some of these persons, and chose, in their place, 
others favorable to the grand system which he had in 
view. The steps for accelerating the catholic emanci- 
pation passed without animadversion from the English 
ministry; but the dismissal of Mr. Beresford and his ad- 
herents gave great offence to the cabinet of London. 
"Lord Fitzwiiliam refusing to change his arrangement, 
he was recalled, and Lord Camden was appointed his 
successor. Lord Fitzwiiliam arrived in Britain, made 
his appearance in parliament, challenged ministers to 
prove, that his measures deserved the blame which tlneir 
conduct intimated, and demanded an inquiry. Minis- 
ters contended that no blame was attached to Lord Fitz- 
wiiliam, and therefore no inquiry was necessary for his 
'vindication; and that there were reasons of state which 
rendered the discussion altogether improper: the mo- 
tions in the respective houses for an inquiry were nega^- 
tived. Mr. Wilberforce* made another ineffectual ef- 

* William Wilberforce, Esq..— Hull claims Mr. Wil- 
berforce as one of her children; he also lias been one of her 
representatives. He was born in 1759, and is grandson to a gen- 
tleman who was twice mayor of that city. In consequence of the 
premature death of his father, Mr. W. was educated under the 
eye of an ahectionate mother, who first placed her son under Mr. 
Pockington, and then under Mr. Miller, both clergymen. After 



108 THE LIFE OF A. 1795. 

fort this session to abolish the slave trade, in which he 
was seconded by Mr. Pitt, The West-India merchants 

this he was sent to Cambridge, and entered of St. John's at the 
same period when Mr. Pitt was a student at Pembroke College; 
in consequence of which, an intimacy immediately took place be- 
tween them. 

Having inherited a large property from his family, Mr. W. as- 
pired to represent his native place in parliament, and was accord- 
ingly returned at the general election in 1780. In 1784, having 
by a singular good fortune the option of either this borough or 
the county, for both of which he had been chosen, he of course 
accepted of the latter, and has sat for the largest representative 
district in the kingdom ever since. 

It is his zeal against the slave trade which constitutes the chief 
feature in the parliamentary character of the member for York- 
shire. It is now many years since he first advocated the cause of 
Africans; and although supported in that measure by the two 
greatest orators and leaders in the House of Commons, one of 
whom had been almost constantly in power, yet he has not been 
able to affect any thing until the last session of parliament. Now 
the prospects of this industrious advocate for the abolition of this 
disgraceful and inhuman traffic, brighten and his labours will 
no doubt be crowned with success. 

Mr. Wilberforce has published several works, of which, how- 
ever, we can only enumerate tw o with any degree of certainty. 
His most elaborate and best received speech, delivered May 13, 
1789, which at once animated and aroused the public on the sub- 
ject of the slave trade ; after receiving his last corrections issued 
soon after from the press. In 1797 appeared " A practical View 
of the prevailing religious System of professed Christians, in the 
higher and middle classes in this country, contrasted with real 
Christianity." 

To mention the various societies of which he is a member, 
would be to repeat the names of nearly all the benevolent institu- 
tions in the metropolis. He is a director of the Sierra Leone 
Company, the professed and real object of which is to effect an 
innocent commercial intercourse with the natives of Africa, with 
a view to their civilization. He is also a vice-president of the 
Carey-street Dispensary, of the New Westminster Lying-in-Hos- 
pital, a governor of the Society for the promoting of Sunday 
Schools, &c. &.c. 

Mr. W. possesses a seat at Markington in Yorkshire, but 
usually resides at a little villa called Broomfield near Clapham, 
in the immediate vicinity of the metropolis. His health is but 
feeble, and during a long debate he finds it necessary to provide 
a box of sandwiches for the purpose of occasional refreshment. 
He has a sister married to James Stephen, Esq. a barrister, and 
a most amiable as well as religious man, who after a residence of 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. 103 

received a vote of relief. Mr. Hastings's acquittal also 
took place about this period. Such were the principal 
events, and the session closed on the 27th of June. 

Though the republican arms had received a check in 
Germany, the effects of the former success now became 
visible. The grand duke of Tuscany and the king of 
Sweden acknowledged the French republic ; the king of 
Prussia abandoned the coalition, and concluded peace* 
Spain had been compelled to the same measure. The 
disastrous expedition to Quiberon, (very generally attri- 
buted to Mr. Windham) in aid of the royalists, had taken 
place. The English fleets however, on the other hand, 
<were successful under Admirals Bridport and Hotham, 
and the Cape of Good Hope was reduced by Admiral 
Elphinstone. Buonaparte had now begun to attract the 
notice of his countrymen. In Great Britain many who 
had approved the war began to abate of their support 
from its duration. The scarcity and clearness of provi- 
sions tended also to excite discontent. Meetings, for 
the purposes of political discussion were frequent, and 
the societies redoubled their activity ; these circumstan- 
ces induced the king to assemble parliament on the 29th 
of October. In his way to the house of lords, through 
the park, his coach was surrounded by persons of all de- 
scriptions, demanding peace, and the dismission of Mr. 
Pitt. Some voices were even heard, exclaiming, ' k no 
king," and stones were thrown at the state coach as it 
drew near to the horse guards. In passing through the 
palace-yard, one of the windows was broken, it was said, 
by a bullet discharged from an air gun. Every loyal 
and patriotic Briton felt with indignation the unmerited 
insult offered to his sovereign. A proclamation was 
published, offering a large pecuniary reward for the dis- 
covery of the perpetrators. The speech from the throne 
was, in the mean time, allowed to be as appropriate, as 
any that had been delivered since the commencement of 
the war. It mentioned the disappointment of the French 
in their attempts in Germany, and the internal difficul- 

many years in the West Indies, like his brother-in-law, contends 
powerfully and eloquently for the injustice as well as impolicy of 
the slave trade. 



110 THE LIFE OF A. 1795. 

ties under which they continued to labor. Their present 
situation afforded a well founded presumption, that they 
would listen to equitable and moderate terms of peace. 
In order to obtain such terms, it would be necessary to 
she^v that Great Britain was able to maintain the contest 
till such a peace ensued, as accorded with its dignity and 
interest. The address was opposed by Mr. Fox, who 
concluded a speech made up of the old arguments, with 
moving that such conditions of peace might be offered 
to the French as were consistent with the safety and 
dignity of Great Britain. The very recent agitation of 
this question left but little new matter for either side ; 
we shall therefore only state that Mr. Fox's motion was 
negatived by 240 to 59. To secure his majesty against 
future attempts, bills were introduced into both houses. 
In the house of commons, on the 9th of November Mr. 
Pitt moved for leave to bring in a bill for the more effec- 
tually preventing seditious assemblies. Mr. P. prefaced 
his motion with a short speech, in which he said no man 
could have a doubt that the right to give his opinion on 
public affairs, and to discuss the propriety of public mea- 
sures of the legislature, was an inherent right of every 
man in this country, and he should be sorry to say any 
thing from a momentary pressure, however strong, 
against the constitutional privilege of meeting and dis- 
cussing public measures, and forming petitions to the 
legislature ; but on the other hand, if at meetings of this, 
kind, instead of stating real grievances, the people were 
excited to rebellion ; if instead of favoring the principle 
of freedom, the very foundation of it was to be destioy- 
ed, and with it the happiness of the people, it was high 
time for the legislature to interpose with its authority. 
The bill proposed that all assemblies exceeding fifty in 
number, and not already recognized by law, if convened 
for addressing the king or parliament, with the view or 
on the pretext of considering grievances, or procuring an 
alteration in church or state, should be declared unlaw- 
ful, and liable to dispersion by a magistrate, after read- 
ing a specific proclamation; unless the assembly were 
collected by a public advertisement, signed by seven re- 
sident householders, and a true copy of it, subscribed by 
them, were left with the publisher, who, under a penalty 



A. 1795. WILLIAM PITT. Ill 

of fifty pounds, must deliver it to any justice of the 
peace by whom it should be demanded. It farther pro- 
vided, that disobedience for more than one hour to the 
magistrate's order to disperse, should subject any indi- 
vidual, of a number above twelve, to the punishment of 
death; and even an assembly held by regular advertise- 
ment, in the same manner, and with the same risk to 
the disobedient, might be dispersed, if any measure sub- 
versive of the constitution, or tending to incite the peo- 
ple to hatred, or dislike, or contempt of the royal family, 
or of the parliament, were proposed. To prevent cer- 
tain political lecturers from gaining a livelihood, by 
preaching sedition, a house opened for any political dis- 
cussion, without a license, was to incur a penalty of a 
hundred pounds. — Mr. Fox reprobated this measure in 
a very eloquent and warm speech; he contended that 
the existing laws upon the subject was adequate to every 
constitutional purpose. Why do not ministers, said he, 
at once declare, in a manly way, that a free constitution 
is no longer suitable to this country, and that arguing 
upon a philosophical view of the complexion of the times 
and the events which have recently taken place in Eu- 
rope, that a change in the principles of the government 
is become expedient? Why do they not at once imitate 
the example of Denmark in the last century, and from 
principles of convenience, surrender their free form of 
government into the hands of an arbitrary monarch, and 
not thus mock the understanding, and insult the feelings 
of the people of this country. Various petitions against 
the bill were presented to the house, and addresses also 
in its favor; at length it passed into a law. These acts 
tended greatly to shake the popularity of Mr. Pitt 
throughout the kingdom. However efficient they might 
be for remedying the specific evils that prevailed, yet 
even many friends of government thought they did much 
more than the necessity of the case justified. The re- 
strictions upon the press, imposed by the same act, wcvc 
deemed to admit also too much latitude of construction, 
and to enchain the freedom of the press. Mr. Pitt is 
nevertheless accused of having, laid too little stress pn 
literary efficacy. 



lis THE LIFE OF A. 1795* 

During these parliamentary ap,i( a' ions, the houses were 
not unmindful of- the critical state of the country, through 
the alarming scarcity of corn that had prevailed for some 
time. On the second day of the session, Mr. Pitt moved 
that the bill allowing the importation of corn, duty free, 
should be extended to another year. He proposed at 
the same time several regulations relating to the sale of 
flour, and the making of bread. After a long discussion 
of the causes of the scarcity, they were found to be of 
so complicated a nature, that it proved difficult to remove 
them. A bill was however brought in to prohibit, the 
manufacture of starch from wheat and other grain; to 
lower the duties on its importation, to prevent the dis- 
tilling from it, and all obstructions to its tree transpor- 
tation through every part of the kingdom. <\ bounty 
for importation was also agreed upon. The hardships 
incident to laborers, tradesmen and manufacturers were, 
on the 27th of Nov. brought before the consideration of 
the house by Mr. Whitbread.* Mr. Pitt was of opinion, 
that in a matter of this kind the operation of general 
principles ought to be attended to, preferably to uncer- 
tain and precarious remedies. It was dangerous to in- 
terfere, by regulation, in the intercourse between indi- 
viduals engaged in the various businesses of society. 
Many of the distresses complained of originated from 
the abuses that had crept into the execution of the laws 

* Samuel Whitbread, Esq.. is the son and successor of a 
most respectable gentleman, who by his talents, his character, 
his virtues, and conduct during life, and a will that took effect 
after his death, has conferred honor on commerce. 

He is connected with the family of Lord Grey de Howick, by 
a double marriage, and first came into parliament in 1790, as 
member for Bedford ; where his father's property and virtues 
obtained for him an influence, since consolidated by his own worth 
and abilities. 

Mr. Whitbread has uniformly acted with the opposition, and 
he has been recently employed in the prosecution of the impeach- 
ment of Lord Melville. As one of the managers of this impeach- 
ment, on the part of the house of commons, he distinguished 
himself by his indefatigable attention to the duties assigned to 
him, and by an eloquent discussion of the charges against that 
noble personage. We do not find Mr. Whitbread among the 
members of the present administration, although he is its advo- 
cate and friend. 1806. 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 113 

relating to the poor, which required much amendment. 
They did not sufficiently discriminate between the unfor- 
tunate and the idle and dissipated. All application for 
relief should be founded upon unavoidable misfortune, 
and if possible, the relief should consist of employment, 
which would not only benefit the individual applying, but 
the community itself, by an increase of labor and industry 
to the common stock. He recommended the institution 
of friendly societies. After an elaborate discussion of 
this subject, Mr. Whitbread's motion was negatived. 

On the 7th of Dec. Mr. Pitt laid before the house an 
estimate of the expenses of the approaching year. They 
amounted to 27,500,0001. including a loan of 18,000,0001. 
He gave a very favorable account of many branches of 
the revenue, particularly of the permanent taxes, which 
he stated to be adequately productive to the extent of the 
sums expected from them. The interest of the loan 
would amount to 1,1 12,0001. for the payment of which, 
he would propose the following taxes; — 2 per cent, on 
all legacies above a certain extent to the first collaterals: 
he next proposed 10 per cent, on the already assessed 
taxes, one pound upon every horse kept for pleasure, 
two shillings on every horse kept for labor, an additional 
tax on tobacco and on printed linens, a duty upon salt, 
and the reduction of the drawback on sugar; the total 
of these would amount to 1,127.0001. which was more 
than sufficient for the proposed interest. Mr. Pitt took 
particular notice, at the same time, that in the fourth year 
of a most expensive war, such was the prosperity and opu- 
lence of this country, that it was able to command the 
immense loan in question, at no more than 4| per cent. 
He also assigned the reason for his raising it without 
having recourse to his usual method of competition, 
which was, that the persons concerned in procuring the 
last loan, had not yet received the latter instalments due 
to them upon it. This assertion gave birth to much 
censure. 1 he point, at which they chiefly aimed, was 
to prove that Mr. P. had acted erroneously, in putting 
the business of the loan into the hands of Mr. Boyd. 
This was represented in many of the circumstances, as 
unwarrantable and corrupt. On the 26th of Feb. 1796, 
the question was agitated in the view to exculpate Mr. 

L 



114 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

Pitt, and resolutions to that effect were moved by Mr. 
Douglas. Mr. P. said in his vindication, it cannot be 
supposed, that from any recent declarations which have 
been made -by the honorable gentleman, exculpating me 
from all charge of personal corruption, that 1 should have 
forgotten that it was broadly stated by gentlemen on the 
other side, who moved for a committee of inquiry, that 
there was ground for suspicion, that the dibtnbution of 
the loan had been employed for the purpose of corrupt 
influence. If such declarations were rash and unguard- 
ed, and if they are now retracted as unjust and unfound- 
ed, I certainly have reason to rejoice in the progress 
which has been made in consequence of the sober inves- 
tigation of a committee towards a decision so much more 
grateful to my character and feelings. Hut at the same 
time I cannot help remarking, that while the ground on 
which the inquiry was originally brought forward, u that 
the loan had been employed as the means of corrupt and 
pernicious influence," is now professed to be abandoned; 
it seems to be but half retracted by the honorable mover 
of the resolution, and to be supplied by ambiguous hints 
and fresh insinuations. In every loan bill, parliament 
inserts a premium for the prompt payment of the sums 
subscribed, foreseeing that government may possibly 
have occasion for the money before the instalments be- 
come due in the regular course. Last year, though large 
sums were paid up, still the public exigencies were such 
as to render additional supplies necessary, and the terms 
offered were not suificiei.tly tempting to induce indi- 
viduals to come forward with their money. Under these 
circumstances, government entered into a negotiation 
with a monied house, to advance such sums as were 
wanted for the service. At that time parliament could 
not be convened, and in order to give effect to the nego- 
tiation, it was indispensably necessary that it should be 
accoi-.panied with some degree of secrecy. In the whole 
transaction, however, there was nothing questionable or 
suspicious, nothing unwarrantable on the part of go- 
vernment, or which gave Uo Air. iioyd an exclusive right, 
far less 4 discretionary power, to dictate the terms of a 
future loan. So much for the substance of the transac- 
tion; *is for the form, it was only the form of the secu- 



X. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 115 

rity. It was only an engagement on the part of govern- 
ment to make good the sums advanced for the public 
"service. The particular manner of executing it, was 
such as was dictated by the necessary regard to secrecy* 
The next point was the effect of the king's message; 
those who knew him best, knew that it was not in his 
mind when the bargain was made. Besides the message, 
there were other collateral causes for the sudden rise of 
the stocks — the unexpected victories of the Austrians, 
the increasing distresses of the enemy, the serene and 
tranquil appearance of affairs at home; these causes, 
coupled with the intimation, that peace only depended on 
the disposition of the enemy, combined to give that sud- 
den and extraordinary rise to the funds which singly they 
would have failed to produce. After all, the extent of 
the benefit to the contractors, and of the loss to the pub- 
lic, had been greatly over-rated. It had been stated, 
that the profit upon the loan amounted to 12 per cent. — 
it amounted to this sum only for four days, during 
which, stocks were exceedingly fluctuating ; so that al- 
together it did not bear this price for above a few hours, 
and all the shares must have been disposed of within 
these few hours, a circumstance which wowld have brought 
such a quantity into market, as must have occasioned a 
depression that would greatly have overbalanced the 
temporary rise. Under these circumstances, I am said 
to have given away a sum of two millions, one hundred 
and fifty thousand pounds, by the mode of negotiating 
the present loan. WithWhis assertion concludes the 
charge against me ; and with desiring the house to at- 
tend to this assertion, I conclude my defence. 

On the 8th of December, a message was delivered 
from the king to the house of commons, informing them 
of his disposition to enter into a negotiation for peace 
with the present government of France. Mr. Pitt moved 
an address, expressive of their readiness to concur in 
such a measure. Mr. Sheridan avowed himself of opi- 
nion, that the intention of the ministers was to frustrate 
the motion for peace, of which Mr. Grey had given no- 
tice. Until the present opportunity, Mr. Pitt replied, 
none had offered to encourage ideas of peace, which, 
however, had not been prevented by the mere existence 



116 THE LIFE OF A. 1796, 

©f a republic in France, but by a total absence of any 
species of regular government. The change now was 
manifest; the new constitution was contrary to the doc- 
trine of universal equality; the French had now a mixed 
form of government, admitting of distinctions in society; 
and their legislature was not constructed on a pure demo- 
cracy. This fully authorised ministry to consider them 
in quite another light than formerly; but did not furnish 
any pretence for depriving ministers of their right to act 
in the name of the executive power, without undue in- 
terference. 

The plans formed by ministry were so extensive, that 
the supplies already granted not appearing sufficient, par- 
liament was again resorted to for raising an additional 
supply and the sanction of another loan. Mr. Pitt was 
duly sensible of the repugnance to so unprecedented a 
measure. After apologising for the necessity that com- 
pelled him to adopt it, and expressing his confidence that 
•' ° resources of the country would render it much light- 
er, on trial, than it seemed in the apprehension of ma- 
ny ; he proceeded to inform the house, that it was in some 
respects, rather a substitution of other taxes to those that 
had been relinquished for the ease of the public, than the 
imposition of new ones; he also stated, that services un- 
provided for, and of which the propriety was evident, 
would demand the means of performance. Having with- 
drawn the tax on printed linens and calicoes, he would 
now propose to replace that deficiency by a tax upon dogs 
and by another on hats. To these two taxes he would 
now add one, of twenty pounds a ton upon wine, which 
would yield 600,000/. with very little addition of expense 
to the consumer. The total of the sums demanded by 
Mr. Pitt for the services unprovided for, amounted to 
two millions and a half, and the annual charge of inte- 
rest, and for the funding of the unfunded debt, arose to 
576,000/. The loan, which was to furnish the means of 
carrying the above scheme into execution, would amount 
to 7,500,000/. at the moderate profit of 3/. 6.9. tid. per 
cent, to the lenders. This, he observed, was an incon- 
trovertible proof of the flourishing situation of this coun- 
try, of its surprising resources, and of the confidence 
reposed in the ministry by people of property. This pro- 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. Hr 

position gave rise to very warm replies; but it was finally- 
passed. 

Before the opening of the campaign in 1796, the 
French had decreed the annexation of Belgium to the 
territories of the French Republic. Negotiations to de- 
tach certain powers from the confederacy, had been set 
on foot at Basle, where M. Barthelemi had concluded 
the treaty with Prussia. Mr. Wickham, the British am- 
bassador to the Swiss cantons, was instructed to apply 
to this gentleman, and to learn whether the directory 
were desirous to negotiate with Britain and her allies, on 
moderate and honorable conditions. The answer re- 
ceived from M. Barthelemi, in the name of the direc- 
tory, was, that it felt the sincerest desire to terminate 
the war on such conditions as France could reasonably 
accept, and which were specified in the answer; but one 
of these positively insisted on the retention of the Aus- 
trian dominions in the low countries. This reply express- 
ing a decided resolution not to part with their acquisi- 
tions, displayed in the opinion of the British ministers, 
a disposition so arrogant, that the negotiation was sus- 
pended. Both parties proceeded to open the campaign* 
The insurgents of La Vendee were reduced — the con- 
federates were repeatedly overcome by Buonaparte, who 
was now appointed to the command of the army in Italy. 
The king of Sardinia and the pope were forced to receive 
peace at his dictation, and Mantua was taken. In Ger- 
many, indeed the Archduke Charles had compelled Jour- 
dan to retreat, and the successes of England had been 
signal. In the West Indies, St. Lucie was retaken, and 
the insurrection excited by Victor Hughes on the other 
islands quelled. In the East, Ceylon and the Dutch set- 
tlements surrendered, together with seven ships of the 
line. In the close of the year, the enemy made his un- 
successful attempt on Ireland, but was compelled to re- 
turn, with the loss of a ship of the line and two frigates. 
Such was the state of affairs when the English govern- 
ment applied for passports, for the ambassador to treat 
for peace, and Lord Malmsbury was sent to Paris in that 
character. 

The new parliament met on the 6th of October, and 
i»is majesty informed the houses that he had omitted no 
L.2 



US THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

endeavors for setting on foot negotiations to restore 
peace to Europe. But nothing, he observed, could con- 
tribute so effectually. to this end, as to manifest that we 
possessed both the determination and resources to oppose, 
with increased activity and energy, the farther efforts 
•with which we might have to contend. The motion for 
the address gave occasion for a most eloquent speech 
from the chancellor of the exchequer. He and Mr. Fox 
were the only speakers. The latter gentleman did not 
oppose the address, but he entered at large into subjects 
of doubt and complaint. Mr. P. spoke in reply. There 
are certainly many topics said he, on which the right 
honorable gentleman has touched in the course of his 
speech in which I now differ from him, as much as ever 
I differed at any former period; but, with respect to the 
great and substantial object of the address, the propriety 
of the conduct employed to bring about a solid and du- 
rable peace, such a peace as may be consistent with the 
permanent security and the just pretensions of the coun- 
try, there does not subsist even the slightest shade of 
difference. That object is found to command the most 
full and most unequivocal support. Such a circumstance 
I must indeed consider as matter of just pride and of 
honest satisfaction. I look with still higher pleasure to 
the concurrence now expressed in the object of the ad-* 
dress, as the pledge of general unanimity, and the omen 
of great exertions, if unfortunately that object should 
not be obtained. If the enemy are still actuated by am- 
bitious projects, we shall unmask them in the eyes of 
Euiope; we shall expose the injustice of their policy, and 
their insatiable thirst of aggrandizement: and if no other 
advantage be gained, we at least sha}l be able to put to 
the proof the sincerity of that pledge which this day has 
been given — that if the enemy are not disposed to accede 
to peace on just and reasonable terms, the war will be 
supported by the unanimous voice and the collected force 
of the nation. If the unanimity of this day be accom- 
panied With such views, if it is not an unanimity founded 
merely upon the pleasing sound of p ace, the captivating 
charm of renewed tranquillity, and the prospect of the 
termination of those scenes of horror and calamity with 
•which war is always attended, such an unanimity would 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 119 

indeed be fatal to the country ; but if it is an unanimity, 
the result of rational and manly reflection, founded upon 
a careful consideration of the situation of the country, 
and prepared to meet every conjuncture, I shall then 
consider the unanimity of this day as the happiest aera 
in the history of the country. The right honorable gen- 
tleman has intimated as his opinion, that we must change 
the whole system of our interior policy, and at the same 
time reprobated in the severest terms, laws which were 
passed during the last parliament, and declared that he 
could not subscribe to any construction of that part of 
his majesty's speech which included those among the 
laws, the energy and wisdom of which had contributed 
to secure the tranquillity of the country. Having made 
this declaration, it would be unfair and uncandid on my 
part not to be equally explicit. 

I desire no gentleman to vote for the address upon 
any such qualification with respect to those jaws. I am 
firmly of opinion, that exclusive of their influence, the 
peace of the country could not have been so successfully 
maintained, nor can I suffer the smallest reproach to 
fall upon the character of the last parliament, who dis- 
played their wisdom and their energy in providing a re- 
medy so suitable to the alarming nature of the crisis* 
The right honorable gentleman, seemed to consider, from 
the language of the address, that endeavors have only 
been made of late to procure peace. If ever the day 
shall come when an examination shall be instituted into 
the steps which have been adopted to secure the re-es- 
tablishment of the general tranquillity, I am confident 
that no endeavors for that purpose will be found to be 
wanting on the part of ministers. But gentlemen must 
be sensible, that what may be admitted as an endeavor to 
restore peace, depends upon a variety of circumstances: 
It depends on the relative state of parties, on the num- 
ber of allies with whom we may be engaged to act, on 
the degree of attention we pay to their interests, and on 
the concert we wish to preserve with them. Taking all 
these considerations into view, I again pledge myself 
that it will be found in the result of inquiry, that minis- 
ters, have neglected no opportunity which could have 
been improved for the purpose of accelerating peace. 



120 THE LIFE OF A. If 96, 

As to the question of our resources, the right honorable 
gentleman admits them to be extensive and flourishing. 
They furnish indeed, in a moment like the present, a 
subject of peculiar congratulation and well-grounded con- 
fidence. If the revenue, after a four years' war, and 
after all the additional burthens which have been im- 
posed, still keeps up to the rate at which it was stated last 
year; that circumstance is surely no slight cause of sa- 
tisfaction. Mr. Pitt then said, that commerce was in 
the most flourishing state, and that the exports had been 
equal to what they were in 1792. These resources have 
in them nothing hollow or delusive; they are the result 
of an accumulated capital, of gradually increasing com- 
merce, of high and established credit. They are the 
fruits of fair exertion, of laudable ingenuity, of success- 
ful industry ; they have been produced under a system of 
order and of justice, while we under many disadvantages, 
have been contending against a country which exhibits 
in every respect the reverse of the picture — a proof that 
the regular operation of those principles must triumph 
over the unnatural and exhausting efforts of violence and 
extortion. The right honorable gentleman had wasted 
a good deal of ingenuity in attempting to prove that the 
speech ought to have contained an express acknowledg- 
ment of the French government. It ought to have oc- 
curred to him that a passport having been sent for and 
granted, some communication must have taken place on 
that occasion; and as the directory had been satisfied 
with the form of communication, and the mode in which 
they had been addressed, it could not be necessary for 
him to start a difficulty where they had found none. I 
can assure him, on the part of the British ministers, that 
no question of etiquette, no difficulty of form originating 
from them, shall be x permitted to stand in the way of ne- 
gotiation, or to obstruct the attainment of the great ob- 
ject of peace. As to the other points, the right honora- 
ble gentleman has suggested what lessons we ought to 
derive from the experience of adversity. How far the 
situation of this country is from that oi adversity, let those 
pronounce who are best acquainted with the state of our 
resources. It cannot surely be termed a state of adver- 
sity from any losses of our trade, the diminution of our 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 1*1 

capital, or from the reduction of any of our foreign pos- 
sessions. We have not been greatly impoverished by 
the events of the war in the East and West Indies. We 
cannot be much weakened in our national strength, even 
upon the statement of the right honorable gentleman, by 
having our navy, in consequence of repeated triumphs 
over every hostile squadron, raised to a greater degree 
of glory and of fame, than it had ever before obtained. 
Where, then, are we to look for the symptoms of this 
adversity. While the violence of Trance has been over- 
running so great a part of Europe, and every where car- 
rying desolation in its progress, your naval exertions 
have enabled you to counterbalance their successes, by 
acquisitions in different parts of the globe, and to pave 
the way for the restoration of peace to your allies, on 
terms which their own strength might have been unable 
to procure. If you look indeed to the geographical 
situation of the seat of war, the emperor has not regain- 
ed by his recent victories all that he had formerly lost. But 
do you count for nothing the destruction and ruin of those 
armies, by whom all the previous successes of the ene- 
my had been achieved? Do you count for nothing the 
glorious and immortal testimony that has been exhibited 
to mankind, that disciplined valor must finally triumph 
over those principles that the war was undertaken to op- 
pose, and which owed all their extraordinary and unac- 
countable successes to the violence in which they origi- 
nated, and the excesses with which they were accom- 
panied? Recent events have served also to exculpate the 
characters of those who were calumniated as desirous to 
embrace their principles, and receive their laws; and 
in Germany they have left behind them nothing but the 
memory of their wrongs, and a feeling of eternal resent- 
ment. Are such effects to be considered as of small im- 
portance, or to be put in competition with the reduction 
of a fortress, or the possession of a district? Of the 
virtues to be acquired in the school of adversity, the 
right honorable gentleman only mentioned those of mo- 
deration and forbearance. Moderation I should considefr 
as that virtue which is best adapted to the dawn of pros- 
perity ; there are other virtues of no less importance, 
which are to be acquired under a reverse of fortune, and 



122 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

which are equally becoming- in those who are called to 
suffer: — these are the virtues of adversity endured, and 
adversity resisted ; — of adversity encountered, and of ad- 
versity surmounted. The recent example of Germany 
has furnished an illustrious instance of public fortitude 
and perseverance having had their merited Teward. 
These are lessons which I trust, this country has not to 
learn. England has never shewn itself deficient in firm- 
ness and magnanimity : it is unrivalled in resource; it 
has always been foremost in the career of honorable ex- 
ertion, and it has only to maintain its accustomed vigor 
and perseverance, to effect the restoration of general 
tranquillity, upon terms consistent with the dignity of 
its own character, and the security and interest of 
Europe. 

A clause in his majesty's speech had declared the 
king's apprehension that the enemy were preparing an 
invasion upon this island. Mr. Pitt, on the 18th of Oc- 
tober, recommended measures for repelling all attempts. 
For this purpose he formed a plan for levying fifteen 
thousand men from the different parishes for the sea 
service, and another for recruiting the regular regiments. 
In the projected levies for the land service, he consider- 
ed two objects; first, the means of calling together a 
land force sufficient of itself to repel an invasion, even 
independently of our naval armaments ; and secondly, 
to adopt such measures in the levies as should not ma- 
terially interfere with the agriculture, commerce, and 
general industry of this kingdom. He then proposed a 
supplementary levy of militia, to be grafted on the old 
establishment, of sixty thousand men ; not to be imme- 
diately called out, but to be enrolled, officered, and com- 
pletely trained, so as to be fit for service at a moment of 
danger. He also proposed to provide a considerable 
force of irregular cavalry, to be levied in the following 
manner: every person who kept ten horses, should be 
obliged to provide one horse and one horseman, to serve 
in a corps of militia ; and those who kept more than ten, 
should provide in the same proportion ; and that those 
that kept fewer than ten, were to form themselves into 
classes, in which it should be decided by ballot, who, at 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 123 

the common expense, should provide the horse and the 
horseman. These troops were to be furnished with uni- 
form and accoutrements, arranged into corps, and put 
under proper officers. The whole number of cavalry 
proposed to be raised by this mode was twenty thousand : 
the other supplemental troops amounted to seventy-five 
thousand men. Among the means proposed for inter- 
nal defence, a bill was introduced by Mr. Dundas,* for 

* Henry Dundas, now Viscount Melville, is a descendant from 
a younger branch of a family long eminent among the lairds of 
Lothian. Daring a great part of the last century, his immedi- 
ate ancestors have been distinguished as the ablest advocates of 
the Scottish bar, and they have successively attained to the high- 
est honors and emoluments of the profession. His father, even 
while a young lawyer, was distinguished for discernment, ele- 
gance, and erudition, and his elder brother, the late Lord Presi- 
dent Dundas, after advancing through a very splendid and suc- 
cessful career of practice at the bar, was raised to the first place 
in the supreme court of justice in his native country. 

Henry, a younger son, and by a second marriage, was born 
about the year 1740, and was destined to seek his fortune in some 
professional pursuit. On his entrance into life he is said to have 
given an uncommon in&tance of disinterestedness and fraternal 
affection, in relinquishing his patrimony, which was not much 
more than J0001. sterling, to his sister Christian, relying entirely 
on the exertion of his own abilities in that profession in which his 
family had been so successful Though very young when he was 
called to the Scottish bar, he quickly rose to some distinction 
among the junior advocates. His advantages of birth and his 
personal recommendations were a favorable introduction to all 
the gay and fashionable society of the Scottish metropolis, and 
a disposition to enter ardently into the usual pleasures of the 
young, contributed to render his reception the more flattering. 
The indulgence of this propensity, however, unfitted him nei- 
ther for business nor study, but seemed to make his- application 
to both the more intense during the time it was bestowed upon 
them. 

The General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, the only 
very numerous and popular court in that part of the island, has 
justly been regarded as an excellent school of deliberative elo- 
quence, and young advocates were therefore usually eager to ob- 
tain seats and to try their powers of oratory in it. In that assem- 
bly no speaker ever obtained greater admiration than young 
Dunda9,. who exhibited there some of the first specimens of 
those talents which he was afterwards to exercise on a more il- 
lustrious theatre. 

During the progress of his practice at the bar, his sound un« 



124 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

raising and embodying a militia in Scotland, and an act 
for that purpose was passed without opposition. The 

derstanding and prompt discernment obtained him not only the 
respectful attention of the ablest judges on the bench, but a con- 
tinually increasing number of clients. He was far from confining 
himself to the acquirement and display of dry juridical erudi- 
tion ; on the contrary, his inclination and ability to blend with it 
the becoming elegances of literature procured him, while very 
young, the flattering esteem of the late Lord Kaimes, and such 
was the impression which the early promise of his talents made 
on the mind of that nobleman, that they obtained him the ele- 
gant and complimentary address in which his lordship dedicated 
to his young friend his excellent work entitled Principles of 
Equity. 

A marriage with Miss Rennie, the heiress of the estate of 
Melville, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, brought Mr Dundas a 
seasonable addition of one hundred thousand pounds to his pro- 
fessional emoluments, and facilitated the ascent towards that 
elevation which he has since attained. 

Family interest, and those talents which command ample em- 
ployment at the bar, recommended Mr. Dundas to the favorable 
notice of the, crown, and under the administration of Ld. North, 
he rose to the office of Lord Advocate for Scotland. He now as- 
pired to a seat in parliament, and in 1774, was elected for the 
shire of Edinburgh, which he continued to represent till the year 
1782, when he was chosen for Newtown in Hampshire. 

The period of the entrance of Mr. Dundas into parliament was 
peculiarly favorable to the views of a man with the talents and 
character which he possessed. It took place at a time when the 
difficulties of government demanded the exercise of extraordi- 
nary powers in those who could influence its transactions, and 
when the embarrassments of a falling ministry seemed to pro- 
mise every thing to the ambition of those who aspired to sup- 
plant them. 

Being the first law officer of the crown of Scotland, it was na- 
tural that in the House of Commons Mr. Dundas should act as 
the advocate for the measures of the administration. With that 
prudent caution which has ever distinguished his career as a 
statesman, he, however, not only forbore to irritate the leaders 
of opposition ; but by an extraordinary species of political logic, 
even amidst the most violent conflicts of parties, he had no dif- 
ficulty to infer that both were right — the one was right in gene^ 
ral, and, the argument of the other, in a political view. 

" No one could object that liberty in general was a good thing; 
he could not, therefore, withhold his admiration from the right 
honorable gentleman, (Mr. Fox) that he so well defended what 
might be considered the common cause of human nature. But, 
however excellent was liberty in general, nothing could be more 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 125 

whole land forces of the country, intended for the year 
1797, was to consist of one hundred and ninety-five thou- 



dangerous when not applied with due regard to season and place. 
He could not, therefore, deny his strenuous approbation to the 
noble lord (Lord North) as, however opposite they might appear, 
they were evidently engaged in the same cause, and the princi- 
ples of the one, and the practice of the other were, as such, equally 
laudable, and as such were equally entitled to his hearty concur- 
rence." Such, if not the actual words, was at least the substance 
of the political logic and creed of Mr. Dundas. 

To this accommodating disposition more than any other quali- 
fication, is to be ascribed the extraordinary success of Mr. Dun- 
das in his political career. The administration under which he 
first brought himself into notice, being seconded by all the sup- 
port of the court, continued for a time to maintain their seats, in 
despite of the general clamor of the country. But the ill success 
of the war with the American colonies, the triumphs of Wash- 
ington, and the surrender of Cornwallis, excited in the minds of 
the public a thorough conviction of the insufficiency of the then 
existing councils for their own support. When, at length, the 
fall of that ministry appeared to be inevitable, Mr. Dundas strove 
to make himself master of some of the branches of the national 
business, in such an eminent degree, that, whatever changes 
might ensue, his aid might be too important to the new minister 
to be hastily slighted, his opposition too formidable to be care- 
lessly provoked. 

Accordingly on the retirement of Lord North from power, Mr. 
Dundas was admitted as one of the succeeding administration; 
and, in spite of changes continued to enjoy his former considera- 
tion. On the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, the Sbel- 
burne party succeeded to the place of the Rockingham. The 
Earl of Shelburne, like his predecessor Lord North, was profess- 
edly the minister of the court, and had obtained his place as 
minister only by promises of compliance with its views. The re- 
lics of the Rockingham party rallying under the banners of Fox, 
and the family of Cavendish, in order to dispossess a ministry 
whom they considered as renegadoes from their own party, united 
with that of Lord North, and thus formed the celebrated coali- 
tion. Of this faction Mr. Dundas was one of the most distin- 
guished members. The divided ministry of the Earl of Shel- 
burne could not support itself against this all-powerful union ; it 
fell, but was soon afterwards revenged by the fall of its rival. 
Mr. Dundas was still a favorite of fortune, and after the ruin of 
the coalition, became one of the succeeding ministry of Mr. 
Pitt. 

In all these contests and changes, in which he acted such a 
busy and important part, he obliged the contending parties to 
regard him as a man who, if in administration, must have occu- 
M 



126 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

sand, six hundred and ninety-four, and the navy was to 
amount to a hundred and twenty thousand men. The 

pied no mean place, and if in opposition, must have possessed the 
authority of a leader. During this period he was likewise de- 
tained as leading counsel in most of the appeals from the courts 
of Scotland to the English House of Lords, in which line of his 
professional duty he attracted considerable notice by the display 
of his legal knowledge, and the frequent proofs he afforded of his 
powers of elocution. 

After the British affairs in America seemed desperate, the at- 
tention of the legislature was more particularly directed towards 
the afiairs of India. Until the breaking out of the American 
war, the British dominions in the East had but in a slight man- 
ner attracted the notice of parliament. Loud complaints were 
at length made of the company's servants, who, carrying on wars, 
and levying tributes in the spirit of mercantile avarice, had ex- 
cited the different powers of India against them ; who, in their 
turn, pursuing their revenge by indiscreet policy, fomented con- 
spiracies and rebellions among our allies and tributary states. In 
the work of retaliation no backwardness in the governor-general 
Was to be feared. Every advice from India was filled with ac- 
counts of war and spoliations; of rajahs and nabobs dethroned, 
whom we scarcely knew by name ; of provinces subjected to the 
British power, which we knew not where to look for in our maps. 
These wars, which had enriched the servants of the company, 
had not in the same manner recruited its finances; inquiry was 
instituted, and the truth which was long expected, was at last 
brought to light — the company protested that it had never autho- 
rised wars for conquest, but had left all to the discretion of its 
servants ; and they, in turn, alleged aggression and rebellion as 
the causes of their recourse to arms. A dissention in the su- 
preme council of Bengal, soon threw further light upon the sub- 
ject, which forcing itself upon the consideration of parliament, 
was at length sifted to the bottom. 

In this business Mr. Dundastook a leading part; a secret com- 
mittee was nominated to inquire into the causes of the war in the 
Carnatic, and of the unfavorable condition of the British posses- 
sions in those parts. Of this committee Mr. Dundas was appoint- 
ed chairman. In the report which he made from the committee, 
and in the formation of a bill which he soon afterwards brought 
into parliament for the regulation of the British affairs in India, 
his abilities for business were displayed to great advantage. The 
bill was defeated by the efforts of opposition ; but, in the course 
of the inquiry by which it was suggested, Mr. Dundas had ac- 
quired a knowledge of India affairs, which powerfully contribu- 
ted to his subsequent advancement. 

It was objected to Mr. Burke, that his morality was too rigid 
for a politician, and that his advancement in court favor would 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 127 

pecuniary supplies of the year were thirty-one millions 
borrowed, besides the annual income. Mr. Pitt conti- 

have been more rapid had he not confined his efforts as a states- 
man within the narrow precincts of moral rectitude. Mr. Dun- 
das appears to have concurred in opinion with the censurers of 
that great man ; whatever may be thought of his politics in other 
respects, it is impossible to object with justice, that at any one 
period of his life, they have been too much narrowed by his mo- 
rality. He had none of that, perhaps, false delicacy which averts 
from change as inconstancy, and of this his conduct in the busi- 
ness of India afforded a striking example. It is still upon record in 
what colors he painted the character and conduct of the governor- 
general ; it is likewise equally well known, how soon from politic 
reasons, he changed his opinions concerning him, while the pub- 
lic beheld with astonishment the very man to whom they had 
once looked up as the redresser of Indian grievances, stifling all 
inquiry into the Nabob of Arcot's debts, by far the most corrupt 
and most avowedly flagitious of all the Indian peculations. 

On the elevation of Mr. Pkt 5 in 1633, the assistance of sucH 
a man as Mr. Dundas was too valuable to the young and inexpe- 
rienced members of the new administration to be neglected, and 
fortunately the latter never had any scruples about joining any 
man, or any set of men, who might happen to be in power. By 
his assistance, chiefly, the minister, was enabled to gain over to 
his interest the leading members of the East-India company, at 
the most critical period of the parliamentary struggle, and after- 
wards to produce, with their consent, a system of India control, 
differing very little in its essential tendency from the obnoxious 
plan of Mr. Fox. 

The appointments of Treasurer of the Navy, and President of 
the Board of Control of the East-India Company in the manage- 
ment of their affairs, with a seat in the cabinet council, were the 
first rewards of the seasonable services of Mr. Dundas, in the ar- 
rangement of the new administration. The former of these offices 
he had before held, from the 27th of July, 1782, to the 2d of April, 
1783. It is not a little remarkable that, during this period, he 
himself brought in a bill, which was passed into an act, for the 
better regulation of the office and salary of the ti-easurer of the 
navy, and that the alleged infringement of this act is the ground 
of his impeachment. Before the period of which we are treat- 
ing, the salary of treasurer of the navy was two thousand pounds 

per annum, exclusive of perquisites, which were enormous. 

Many abuses had crept in through the misconduct of men in of- 
ficial situations applying the public money for their own private 
interest, and, in consequence, large sums had been lost to the 
nation. To prevent this peculation was the object of Mr. Dun- 
das's bill ; and, as a compensation for the loss of perquisites, the 
salary of treasurer of the navy, was advanced from two to four 



J2S THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

nued to display great financial skill in exempting the very- 
lower class from the severest pressure of the new taxes, 

thousand pounds, besides house, coal, and candle, making in all 
little short of five thousand pounds per annum. 

The resolutions passed by the committee of the House of 
Commons, relative to this business, were to the following- ef- 
fect : 

" That it appears to this committee, that on the 18th of June, 
1782, the House of Commons, in a committee of the whole house, 
came among others to the following resolutions : 

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that some regula- 
tions ought to be adopted for the purpose of lessening and keep- 
ing down the balances of public money, which appear to have 
usually been in the hands of the treasurer of the navy, and it 
would be beneficial to the public if the first and other clerks in 
the different branches belonging to the said office were paid by 
fixed and permanent salaries, in lieu of fees, gratuities, and other 
perquisities whatsoever. 

*•' Tiini it is ti>e opifrkm &f this GCSUnittfe, that from hencefor- 
ward the paymaster-general of his Majesty's land forces and the 
treasurer of the navy, for the time being, shall not apply any sum. 
or sums of money imprest to them, or either of them, to any pur- 
pose of advantage or interest to themselves, either directly or in- 
directly. 

" That it appears to this committee, that the commissioners 
appointed to examine, take and state the public accounts of the 
kingdom, have, so far as appears from the reports hitherto made, 
discharged the duty entrusted to them with great diligence, ac- 
curacy, and ability; and if parliament shall carry into execution 
those plans of reform and regulation which are suggested by the 
matter contained in the reports of the said commissioners, it 
cannot but be attended with the most beneficial consequences to 
the future welfare and prosperity of this kingdom." 

Such was the origin of the act, of which Mr. Dundas was the 
laudable mover; and it is not a little remarkable, that he should 
be the only treasurer of the navy accused of having infringed this 
law, since its enactment. 

This measure, however, was not the only commendable one ef- 
fected by Mr Dundas, in his capacity of treasurer of the navy. 
He had not been long in that situation, before he procured an act 
of parliament to prevent the passing of forged instruments, and 
caused all wills and powers of attorney of seamen to be signed by 
the officers of the port, whose signatures are known at the navy- 
office. He likewise brought in a bill, for the purpose of empow- 
ering every seaman, while in the service of government, to remit 
six months pay to his wife and family; which has proved a great 
encouragement and inducement to them to enter into the navy. 

In 1784 Mr. Dundas was again elected to represent the shire 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 129 

though the principal part bore very heavily on the com- 
forts and accommodations of the middling ranks; the 

of Edinburgh, for which he sat till 1790, when he was returned 
for the Scottish metropolis. At the conclusion of 1788, and the 
commencement of the following year, when the severe indisposi- 
tion of the sovereign encouraged a proposal for the establishment 
of a regency, and threatened the removal of Mr. Pitt and his as 
sociates, Mr. Dundas steadily adhered to the interests of that 
statesman, and his co-operation was eminently useful to him in 
that season of difficulty and alarm. 

To recount all the acts of the public life of Mr. Dundas, since 
the commencement of the late war with France, it would be re- 
quisite to write a complete history of this country, and, we may 
say, of the world. He has been the firm and invariable support- 
er of all the measures of Mr. Pitt's administration : and the 
honors and emoluments heaped in consequence of this adherence, 
upon him and his family, have been fully adequate to the services 
he has rendered. 

On the introduction of the Duke of Portland into the ministry, 
the importance of the services of Mr. Dundas occasioned his be- 
ing entrusted, in addition to his other offices, with the seals as 
secretary of state ; for it was considered more eligible to create 
a third secretary, than to remove Mr. Dundas from the conduct 
of the correspondence relative to the measures and operations of 
the war. The plans for the formation of fencible regiments, the 
supplementary militia, the volunteer companies, the provisional 
cavalry, and all that military force which was levied and main- 
tained during the war, for the internal defence of the country 
against invasion or insurrection, originated with Mr. Dundas, or 
fell in a particular manner under liis consideration and manage- 
ment, in his character of secretary of state for the war depart- 
ment ; and it cannot be denied, that means better adapted to the 
accomplishment of the objects in view, could not have been ea- 
sily conceived. 

He was long considered as holding virtually the power of mi- 
nister for Scotland, and it is certain, that there was never less 
discontent against the government among his countrymen than 
during that period. The restoration of the forfeited estates, so 
well calculated to extinguish political feuds, Avas a noble mea- 
sure, of which Mr. Dundas was regarded as the author. At the 
same time he was far from being inattentive to his own interests,, 
as the numerous lucrative posts and emoluments bestowed on 
his immediate relatives sufficiently attest; while the extensive 
patronage attached to his official station vested him with almost 
unbounded influence over the northern division of our Gr. Britain. 

Having devoted to the affairs of the East Indies a particular 
portion of his studies, his India budgets were always fraught with 
labor, and his calculations and statements were in general minute 
M2 .. 



130 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

fresh imposts were upon tea, coffee, spirits, sugars, and 
various other articles of daily and general consumption; 

and correct. His situation of president of the Board of Control 
gave him very great influence with the East India Company, and 
numberless were the young men, especially of his own country, 
who through his interest were promoted to places of emolument 
and trust. In the year 1800 he resigned that office, on which the 
directors of the East India Company came to a resolution to re- 
ward the services he had rendered to that great commercial bo- 
dy, with a pension of two thousand pounds per annum. On being- 
apprized of the intention of the directors, he declined the ofier, 
but at the same time signified, by letter, that if the annuity was 
granted to his lady (who is considerably younger than himself) 
it would be accepted. His wish was complied with by the di- 
rectors, and the annuity was granted accordingly. 

On the resignation of Mr. Pitt, and the other members of his 
administration, in 1801, Mr. Dundas likewise retired from office. 
He did not, however, like some others of his coadjutors, enter 
into a systematic opposition to the measures of his successors. 
The following year the friends of Mr. Pitt having been disappoint- 
ed in their expectation of his returning to office, resolved to try 
the strength of his popularity. With this view his birth-day was 
celebrated in a magnificent manner, and a large subscription was 
obtained for erecting a statue to his honor. The friends of Mr. 
Dundas adopted the same measure at Edinburgh, and three 
thousand pounds were subscribed for the purpose, and which 
sum was placed at interest to accumulate till his demise. 

Though foiled in the expectations of regaining the station he 
had lost, Mr. Dundas nevertheless kept on an amicable footing 
with his successors, and thus secured a peerage for himself, by 
the title ofViscount Melville, and several good situations for his 
friends and relatives. On the prospect of Mr. Addington's re- 
moval from power, he again began as usual to take an active part, 
and it was expected that through his assiduity a reconciliation 
would have been effected between Fox and Pitt, had it not been 
found impossible to include the former in the arrangement of a new 
ministry. 

When, in 1804, Mr. Pitt was again called to the helm, his 
faithful friend and assistant, Lord Melville, received the impor- 
tant appointment of first lord of the admiralty; a post which, 
however, he was not destined long to hold. From his first en- 
trance into public life, he had enjoyed without interruption the 
smiles of fortune, but now a political cloud, in the shape of the 
Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry, intervened, 
to throw a gloom over his future prospects. 

The proceedings of the House of Commons, in consequence of 
this " report" and the final acquittal of Lord Melville, before the 
House of Lords, are perfect in the recollection of every one. 

[Lord Melville's triah ] 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 131 

upon assessed taxes, postage, stage-coaches and canal 
navigation ; — the budget was opened on the 7th of De- 
cember. It is in connection with the general subject of 
finance, to introduce a plan that was proposed by the 
chancellor of the exchequer, and which met with gene- 
ral approbation — viz. the funding of the navy and exche- 
quer bills ; the former amounting nearly to twelve mil- 
lions, the latter to two millions and a half. 

On the 14th of December Mr. Fox moved, "that his 
majesty's ministers, having authorized and directed, at 
different times, without the consent, and during the sit- 
ting of parliament, the issue of various sums of money, 
for the service of his Imperial Majesty, and also for the 
service of the army under the Prince of Conde, have 
acted contrary to their duty, and to the trust reposed in 
them, and have therefore violated the constitutional pri- 
vileges of this house." On this occasion Mr. Pitt mani- 
fested great eloquence in his defence. After much pre- 
fatory matter, respecting a concession which Mr. Fox 
had been obliged to make, in admitting that the right of 
the house, to dispose of the public money, was subject 
to some limitations, he sheVved from parliamentary his- 
tory, that the measure now attacked was not unprece- 
dented nor unconstitutional. In the present case, he con- 
tended still, that it was expedient and necessary. The 
nature of a vote of credit, said Mr. Pitt, 1 consider to 
be such as gives a power to administration to apply the 
sum to any exigence that may occur. I am well aware 
that every distribution of public money adopted by mi- 
nisters is a matter of legal discussion, subject to the revi- 
sion and control of parliament, and that their vigilance 
in respecting such distribution becomes even more ne- 
cessary in proportion to the extent of the sum, and the 
emergency of the crisis; but if the necessity of the sup- 
ply is increased by the difficulty of the circumstances 
under which it must be granted ; if to divulge the object 
would be attended with danger, is it fair to put the uti- 
lity and importance of the operations achieved under 
those circumstances, altogether out of the question? 
With respect to the sums granted to the emperor, one 
thing is evident, that the measure which has been adopt- 



132 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

ed has succeeded, which, if attempted in any other way, 
might in all probability have failed of its object. I ask 
gentlemen, what are their own feelings in the present 
moment with respect to the situation of the country in 
the present contest, and I request them to look back to 
the months of July and August, when the French were 
pursuing their triumphant career with an impetuosity 
which seemed to defy all opposition, and to threaten the 
general subjugation of Europe. Let them contemplate 
the slow, firm, measured and magnanimous retreat of 
the gallant Austrian army, and the consequences Which 
followed from a retreat only calculated to ensure the suc- 
cess of their future operations. Will they then ask them- 
selves, dry as the question may be, when -so animated a 
subject is presented to the mind, how far the assurance 
of the aid which this country was disposed to grant, may 
have invigorated the spirit of a country making its ut- 
most efforts to resist an invading foe, how far it may 
have given confidence to their resources, and enabled 
them to prosecute that line of operations which has been 
attended with such distinguished success? With these 
considerations in his view, is there any man who can re- 
gard as a matter of consequence, whether the expense 
of 900,000/. or 1,200,000/. has been incurred in the coun- 
try?*^ there any man who would be willing, for the 
sake of so paltry a saving, to give up our share in pro- 
moting a service which has terminated so honorably for 
the character of our allies, and so beneficially for the 
general interests of Europe? Who would not rejoice that 
he was admitted into a partnership so illustrious, and ac- 
companied with such brilliant success? 

u Me credite Lesbon, 

" Me Tc7iedon, Ckrysenque et Cyllan Afiollinis urbes^ 
u Et Scyron cefiisse, Med concussa fiutate 
" Procubuisse solo Lymeaia mania dextra." 
The public are not so dead or so insensible as either 
to be ignorant of the advantages which have been obtain- 
ed or ungrateful towards those to whose gallant exertions 
they are indebted on the present occasion. There is not 
a man, even the meanest individual in the country, who 
will not feel himself more than repaid for the small quota 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 133 

he will be required to bring forward in aid of the public 
ser\ice, by the important benefits which have been se- 
cured to the general interest of Europe. At the meet- 
ing of the present parliament those with whom 1 was 
in the habit of confidential intercourse, will be enabled 
to state to the house, that I looked with the utmost anxi- 
ety to the period when I should be enabled to make to 
the house the communication of every step that had 
taken place in the business. Yet in all this the right hon- 
orable gentleman sees nothing but a deliberate intention 
to violate the rights of parliament. He can perceive no 
symptom of a wish to save Germany and Great Britain 
from the imminent dangers with which they were threat- 
ened. He thinks that we have only availed ourselves of 
the opportunity to conceal our attempts against the con- 
stitution under the cover of the glory of the Austrian 
arms; but I must remind him that his resolution to sup- 
port the arms of our allies was taken at no moment of 
brilliant success ; that it was influenced by no delusive 
phantom of military glory, it was taken at a moment 
when the prospects of this country and our allies were 
the most discouraging. In adopting this resolution at 
such a moment, ministers gave a pledge of their sincere 
attachment to the country, and of their firm determina- 
tion to support its best interests. They were not igno- 
rant of the consequences of their conduct, of the risk 
of those measures they had adopted, and the responsi- 
bility which attached to themselves from the event. In 
that situation they were called upon to decide ; and both 
the testimony of their former opponents and of monied 
men might be brought to prove, that they had adopted 
that line of conduct which was most safe and prudent for 
the country. I have now weighed the whole merits of 
the transaction before the house, and with them I am 
well content to leave the decision. I throw myself upon 
your justice, prepared in every case to submit to your 
decision ; but while I bow with the most perfect submis- 
sion to the determination of the house, I cannot but re- 
mark on the extraordinary language which has been 
used on this question. Ministers have been broadly 
accused of a wanton and a malignant desire to violate 



134 THE LIFE OF A. 1796, 

the constitution; it has been stated that no other motive 
could possibly have actuated their conduct. If a charge 
of such malignant intention had been brought against 
men, who have affirmed the present war to be neither 
just nor necessary, and who, on that ground, cannot be 
supposed friendly to its success, who have extolled, nay, 
even exulted in the prodigies of French valor; who have 
exclaimed against the injustice of bringing to trial per- 
sons who had associated to overcome the legislature; 
who were anxious to oppose and aggravate every defect 
of the constitution ; to reprobate every measure adopted 
for its preservation, and to obstruct every proceeding of 
the executive government to ensure the success of our 
contest in which we are engaged in common with our 
allies: I say, if such a charge of deliberate and deep- 
rooted malignity were brought against persons of this 
description, I should conceive that even then the rules 
of candid and charitable interpretation would induce us 
to hesitate in admitting its reality, much more when it 
is brought against individuals whose conduct, I trust, 
has exhibited the reverse of the picture I have now 
drawn. I appeal to the justice of the house ; I rely on 
their candor; but to gentlemen who can suppose minis- 
ters capable of the motives which have been imputed to 
them on this occasion, it must be evident that I can de- 
sire to make no such appeal. Mr. Bragge moved an 
amendment, commending the conduct of ministers, 
which was carried by 185 against 104. 

On the return of Lord Malmesbury, towards the close 
of 1796, from the unsuccessful negotiation at Paris, the 
British funds suffered a greater depression than was ex- 
perienced at any period of the American war.* Insur- 
rections, prevailed in many parts of Ireland; an unex- 
ampled run on the bank of England was followed by a 
suspension of payment in specif, and a mutiny of unpre- 
cedented extent and inveteracy raged in the navy. His 
majesty's declaration on the subject of the negotiation 
was laid before parliament. The substance of this de- 
claration was " that the rupture of the negotiation did 
not arise from the failure of any sincere attempt on the 

* The 3 percent. Consols being so low as 51, 






A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 135 

part of France ; but from the determination of that go- 
vernment to reject all means of peace, by an obstinate 
adherence to a claim which never could be admitted; a 
claim which that government rested on the constitution 
of its own country, to be received by all nations as par- 
amount to every principle and law in Europe, as supe- 
rior to the obligations of treaties, the ties of common 
interest, and the most urgent considerations of general 
security. His majesty, who had entered into this treaty 
with good faith, had now only to lament its abrupt ter- 
mination, and to declare, in the face of Europe, that 
whenever his enemies should be disposed to enter on the 
work of general pacification, nothing should be wanting, 
on his part, to contribute to the accomplishment of that 
great object, which was only retarded by the exorbitant 
pretensions of his enemies." The message was, on the 
30th of December, taken into consideration. Mr. Pitt 
rose to move the address, and entered upon a most ela- 
borate and detailed statement of the circumstances at- 
tending the negotiation — they were these: In the first 
instance, ministers had applied to the Danish ambassador 
at London, to transmit, through the Danish envoy at Pa- 
lis, a declaration, stating his Britannic majesty's desire to 
conclude a peace, u on just and honorable conditions, and 
demanding the necessary passports for a person of confi- 
dence, whom his majesty would send to Paris, with a com- 
mission to discuss with the government there all the mea- 
sures the most proper to produce so desirable an end." 
The Danish minister having conveyed to the directory 
this manifestation of the British intentions, it was replied 
by the French government, u that the executive govern- 
ment would not receive or answer, from the enemies of 
the republic, any overtures transmitted through an inter- 
mediate channel; but that, if England would send per- 
sons furnished with full powers and official papers, they 
might, upon the frontier, demand the passports necessary 
for proceeding to Paris." The court of London having 
applied for passports, nominated Lord Malmesbury; this 
succeeded the application through Mr. Wickham, which 
has already been related. The first object of Lord M. 
was to fix a basis conformably to established usage. 
This was, *< that compensation should be made to France 



156 THE LIFE OF A. 1796. 

by proportionable restitutions from his majesty's con- 
quests on that power, for those arrangements to which 
she should be called upon to consent, in order to satisfy 
the just pretensions of his allies and to preserve the po- 
litical balance of Europe." After some difficulty, this 
basis was accepted oy the French government; they 
then demanded that Lord M. should specifically bring 
forward his ttrms. His Lordship delivered two notes, 
one signed and one not, the first comprehending the 
terms of peace between England and France, the other 
relating to the interests of our allies. This was followed 
by a captious demand to have it signed by Lord M. 
This demand was complied with, to deprive them of 
every pretence for breaking off the negotiation, and im- 
mediately they call for an ultimatum in 24 hours. To 
comply with this was impossible, and- in consequence, 
his Lordship received orders to quit Paris in 48 hours, 
and the territoiies of the republic as soon as possible. 
The French government after this, signified a wish to 
renew the negotiation by means of couriers, upon a new 
basis, which was, the retention of all the countries an- 
nexed to their republic. Notwithstanding their disavowal 
of this principle, in the admission of the former basis of 
the negotiation, it is now alleged as a ground for the pre- 
tension, that they are entitled, as a matter of right, to 
demand from this country, that we shall make no propo- 
sals inconsistent with the laws and constitution of France. 
I know of no law of nations, said Mr. Pitt, which can, in 
the remotest degree, countenance such a monstrous 
claim. The annexation of territory to any state, by the 
government of that state during the continuance of war, 
can never confer a claim which supersedes the treaties 
of other powers and the known and public obligation of 
the different nations of Europe. In my opinion there is 
no principle of the law of nations clearer than this, that 
when, in the course of war any nation acquires new pos- 
sessions, that such nations has only temporary right to 
them, and that they do not become their property till the 
end of the war. I should not be surprised to hear that Ire- 
land, in consequence of the rumour which has been cir- 
culated of their intention to attempt an invasion upon that 
country, is constitutionally annexed to the territoiies of 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 137 

the republic, or even that the city of Westminster is a 
part of indivisible France. And are we then, after all 
the exertions that we have made, in order to effect the 
object of general pacification; and after being baffled in* 
all our efforts by the stubborn pride and persevering 
obstinacy of the French government; after all our pro- 
positions have been slighted, and our ambassador insult- 
ed, are we now to consent to sacrifice our engagements, 
and to violate our treaties, because, forsooth, it would be 
attended with some inconvenience for them to call their 
primary assemblies, in order to cancel a law which is in- 
compatible with the principle of fair negotiation ? But 
this is not all the degradation to which they would have 
us submit. You must also engage to make no proposi- 
tions which are contrary to the laws of the constitution, 
and &e treaties which bind the republic. Here they 
introduce a new and extraordinary clause, imposing a 
restriction still more absurd and unreasonable than the 
other. The republic of France may have made secret 
treaties which we know nothing about, and yet that go- 
vernment expects that we are not to permit our propo- 
sitions to interfere with these treaties. How is it possi- 
ble for this country to know what secret articles there 
may be in the treaty between France and Holland? How 
can we know what the Dutch may have ceded to France, 
or whether France may not have an oath in heaven, never 
to give up the territories ceded to her by Holland? Who 
can know but her treaty with Spain contains some secret 
article guaranteeing to the latter the restitution of Gib- 
raltar, or some important possession now belonging to 
his majesty ? And how can I know what government 
France may choose to give to Italy, or what she may be 
pleased to assign to Germany ? In fact, the question is 
not how much you will give for peace, but how much 
disgrace you will suffer at the outset — how much degra- 
dation you will submit to as a preliminary ? In these 
circumstances then, are we to persevere in the war with 
a spirit and energy worthy of the British name and of 
the British character, or are we, by sending couriers to 
Paris, to prostrate ourselves at the feet of a stubborn and 
supercilious government, to do what they require, and to 
submit to whatever they may impose? I hope there is not 

N 



13* THE LIFE OF A. 1796, 

a hand in his majesty's councils that would sign the pro- 
posals, that there is not a heart in this house that would 
sanction the measure, and that there is not an individual 
in the British dominions who would act as the courier. 
In answering the speech of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Erskine* and 

*Thomas Erskixe, now Lord High Chancellor of Great Bri- 
tain, descended from one of the oldest families in Scotland, is 
the third son of the late, and youngest brother of the present 
Earl of Buchan. Their father having died while young, the care 
of Thomas and Henry Erskine devolved on the representative of 
this noble family, and their success at the English and Scottish 
bars prove his best eulogium. 

While a boy of sixteen, Mr. T. Erskine was sent to one of the 
universities of his native country, and being obliged, on account 
of the res angusta domus, to make an immediate election, he chose 
the navy, in which we believe he never rose higher than $p be an 
acting lieutenant, and soon after obtained a commission in the 
army. In 1770, while a lieutenant of foot, he married Miss 
Moore, and having the prospect of a numerous family, he 
changed his regimentals for a suit of black, and entered his name 
as a student in Lincoln's inn. A degree at the university of Cam- 
bridge abridged two whole years of the term allotted for a call 
to the bar; attendance in the office of Mr. afterwards Judge 
Buller, while a special pleader, made him acquainted with the 
practical part of business, and he completed his studies in this 
species of " law logic" under the no less celebrated Mr. Wood. 
Having at length obtained the honors of the gown and wig in 
Trinity term 1778, he commenced his career as the defender of 
Captain Baillie, of Greenwich-hospital, who had been prosecuted 
for a libel against the late Earl of Sandwich, while first lord of the 
admiralty. But it was as the junior counsel, on the trial of Ad- 
miral Keppel, that his nautical education, while it proved highly 
serviceable to his client, at the same time enabled him to obtain 
fame for himself. An honorarium of one thousand guineas was 
the splendid reward of his services. 

As the advocate of his countryman, Lord George Gordon, he 
added not a little to his celebrity, and at length, iu May, 1783, he 
was honored with a patent of precedency, which confirmed all the 
advantages, unaccompanied by any of the disadvantages of a silk 
gown. In the course of the same year he became a legislator, 
having been returned for Portsmouth, partly by the friendship of 
Sir John Carter, the mayor, and partly on account of the high 
reputation he had obtained there, in consequence of his conduct 
at the court-martial already alluded to. The late Mr. J. Lee, 
formerlv attornev general, on retiring from business, presented 
his brief-bag to Mr. E. about this period, as a mark of his esteem. 
As a lawyer > the reputation of Mr. Erskine is limited; as an 
prator it knows no bounds. The style of his eloquence is bold and 



A. 1796. WILLIAM PITT. 139 

Mr. Fox took a general view of the causes and conse- 
quences of the war, and said that the minister had this 



pathetic ; appealing to the passions of his hearers, he takes full 
possession of them, nor leaves them until they are firmly fixed to 
his purpose. It would be a pleasing occupation to narrate here 
the various triumphs of this eloquence, and to mention the fre- 
quent instances of the exertion of these talents in the cause of 
innocence and virtue. 

In maintaining the rank and asserting the privileges of an ad- 
vocate, he has always distinguished himself. We claim permis- 
sion to insert a passage from his speech in the Dean of St. Asaph's 
case, in which lie alluded to an attempt made by Mr. Justice 
Bulier, to control the exertions for his client. 

" It was the first command and counsel of my youth, always to 
do what my conscience told me to be my duty ; and to leave the 
consequences to God. I shall carry with me the memory, and I 
trust the practice of this parental lesson to my grave. I have 
hitherto followed it, and have no reason to complain that my obe- 
dience to it has been even a temporal saci'ifice. I have found it 
on the contrary, the road to prosperity and wealth ; and I shall 
point it out as such to my children." 

It has been a frequent observation, that the talents required 
for the forensic field differ essentially from those which distinguish 
the statesman. Of the truth of this opinion, Mr. Erskine is an 
instance. Since the year 1783, he has constantly held a seat in 
the house of commons, and although at one period a frequent 
speaker, he has never obtained reputation as a politician. In the 
discussion of " the causes and consequences of the war," (1796) 
Mr. Erskine took a leading and principal part. This was his 
greatest parliamentary effort. He came to the examination fully 
prepared, having written a pamphlet of some merit on the sub- 
ject; but in all his efforts he was defeated, and he obtained no 
increase of reputation by these exertions. 

In reviewing the difficulties he encountered, and in contrasting 
them with the brilliant prosperity of his late years, and present 
noble elevation, Mr. Erskine must feel a peculiar gratification, as 
he must attribute his splendid success to the endowments allotted 
to him by nature, and to the industrious exertion of these talents. 
He is the founder of his own greatness, and his labors have been 
rewarded by immense wealth. 

The political life of Mr. Erskine cannot receive our approba- 
tion. He has always been opposed to what we have considered 
the true interests of his country, and the advocate of theories, 
which, in their effects, would be hostile to the safety of the Eng- 
lish Constitution. 

In his private relations we have great pleasure in contemplating 
his character. He has four sons and four daughters, and in the 
bosom of his family, he finds a soothing relaxation from the cares 



HO THE LIFE OF A. 1797. 

night come forward, in a long and elaborate speech, to 
shew that the only effect of all our efforts had been, that 
the enemy had, from success, become more unreasonable 
in their pretensions, and that all hopes of peace were re- 
moved to a greater distance than ever. On these and 
similar grounds, Mr. Fox, in the house of commons, 
proposed an address to the king, representing the con- 
duct of ministry, in the whole of the war, as ruinous; in 
this negotiation as a compound of folly and deceit; and 
describing the country as hastening to destruction, 
through their infatuated counsels. The address how- 
ever was negatived, and opposite addresses, approving 
highly of the general system of ministers, of the princi- 
ples and conduct of the negotiation, and throwing the 
whole blame of the rupture upon the French, were car- 
ried by most numerous majorities. 

On the 27th of Feb. 1797, a message was delivered 
from his majesty to both houses of parliament, stating 
" that an unusual demand of specie having been made 
from different parts of the country on the metropolis, it 
had been found necessary to make an order of council, 
to the directors of the bank, prohibiting the issuing of 
any cash in payment, till the sense of parliament could be 
taken on the subject." Mr. Pitt, after some preliminary 
observations, moved for a secret committee to ascertain 
the situation of the bank. Mr. Fox, and other members 
in opposition, contended that the bank had been reduced 
to a state of insolvency by the infatuation of ministers. 
The result of the reports however was, " that on the 25th 
of Feb. the last day of paying gold and silver, there was 
a surplus of effects belonging to the bank, beyond the 
total debts, amounting to the sum of 3,826,8901. exclu- 

and agitations of his public engagements. Whatever time he 
can snatch from these duties is devoted to social intercourse with 
bis family and friends. No man is endowed with a greater share 
of constitutional vivacity; he is sportive and almost puerile in his 
relaxations, a frequent characteristic of great men. 

The change of administration brought Mr. Erskine into office 
as Lord High Chancellor, and he was at the same time called to 
theJiouse of peers with the title of Baron Erskine. His son, the 
Hon. David Erskine, succeeded him as representative from 
Portsmouth, and he is now spoken of as minister to the United 
States of America, 



A. 1797. WILLIAM PITT. 141 

sive of a permanent debt of 1 1,666,8001. due from go- 
vernment ; that the bank of England had lately expe- 
rienced an universal drain of cash; that this drain was 
owing to drafts from the country, which arose from local 
alarms of invasion; that demands had been of late pro- 
gressively increasing, but particularly in the last week; 
and that there was every reason to apprehend, that these 
demands, and the consequent progressive reduction of 
cash, would continue and even increase, insomuch that 
if it were to proceed in the same proportion, the bank of 
England would be deprived of the means of supplying 
the cash which might be necessary for the pressing exi- 
gencies of public service;" grounded on these reports, 
Mr. Pitt proposed a bill, enabling the bank of England to 
issue notes in payment of demands upon them, instead 
of cash. The bili was passed into a law. This measure 
saved the credit of the bank and of the funds, and made 
money of the various denominations much more plenti- 
ful than before. 

The mutiny in the fleet now broke out. In this alarm, 
ministers immediately took the step of transferring the 
board of admiralty to Portsmouth, and conciliatory terms 
of a return to duty were proposed and acceded to by the 
seamen, and their demands having been deemed equita- 
ble, they were promised redress. In consequence, how- 
ever, of some mistrust, the mutiny again broke forth, 
but by the zealous and prudent exertions of Lord Howe, 
it was appeased. The petition, containing their state- 
ment of grievances being laid before parliament, became 
the subject of discussion on the 8th of May, when Mr. 
Pitt submitted the estimates for the augmentation of the 
pay of the navy. To calm at once all discontent, nothing, 
in his opinion, would be so.effectual, as the unanimous 
decision of parliament on the proposal before them ; he, 
therefore, thought it his duty to entreat the house to pass 
their silent judgment on the present case, while they 
coincided with the motion it occasioned him to make. He 
then moved for a total of 436,0001. Opposition, how- 
ever, accused ministers of procrastination and a scandal- 
ous neglect of duty; Mr. Whitbread even moved for a 
vote of censure, but it was negatived by 237 to 63, and 
the bill passed. It was hoped that these concessions 
N2 



142 THE LIFE OF A. 1797. 

•would have proved satisfactory, but on the 2 2d of Maya 
mutiny shewed itself at the Nore, and threatened conse- 
quences more fatal than that in the other fleets. We 
need scarcely relate that it was soon terminated, and 
that the ring-leaders suffered death. In the mean time, 
this dangerous mutiny had been a serious object of at- 
tention in parliament. On the 1st of June, a message 
was delivered from the king to both houses, to give them 
formal notice of the event, and to request they would 
adopt the necessary measures for the public security, 
and particularly to make more effectual provision for the 
prevention and punishment of attempts to excite mutiny 
and sedition in the navy, or to seduce individuals in the 
sea or land service, from their duty and allegiance. 

On the Sd of March, Mr. Whitbread entered into an 
inquiry relative to the late attempt upon Ireland, which 
Mr. Pitt answered by asserting, that the attack of the 
French fleet being equally likely to fall upon Portugal 
and Ireland, ministers had taken every possible precau- 
tion, by ordering a squadron to watch their motions, and 
by having a fleet in port ready to pursue. Weather 
alone was the cause of their arrival in Bantry Bay, un- 
discovered. Mr. Pitt concluded his speech, on this 
occasion, by complaining of Mr. Fox's manner of speak- 
ing concerning Ireland, which he considered as violent 
and inflammatory. On a division of the house, on Mr. 
Whitbread's motion, the previous question against it was 
carried by 20 1 against 62. During this session, great 
discontents prevailed in Ireland, which ministers imputed 
to the dissemination of Jacobinical principles; and oppo- 
sition to the system of government which had been 
adopted since the recal of EarlFitzwilliam. An address, 
praying his majesty's interference to allay the discontent 
in Ireland, was moved by Mr. Fox on the 23d of March, 
but negatived. 

The ministers, since the return of Lord Malmesbury's 
negotiation, had declined in popularity, and numerous 
petitions were presented to the king for their dismission; 
their opponents proposed, in both houses of parliament, 
addresses to his majesty, to remove from his councils 
his present servants. The grounds both of attack and 
defence were the same that had been so often discussed 



A. 1797. WILLIAM PITT. 143 

in various forms, and the replies those so often repeated. 
The motions were respectively rejected by both houses. 
Mr. Grey also renewed his propositions of parliamenta- 
ry reform, with the same success. His scheme was 
more definitive than before ; he proposed that the num- 
ber of county members should be increased from ninety- 
two to a hundred and thirteen, eligible not only by free- 
holders, but by copyholders and leaseholders; and that 
the other four hundred members should be chosen by 
all householders. The arguments for and against the 
proposition were much the same that had been so re- 
peatedly employed. — Parliament rose on the 2Qth of Ju- 
ly, after having sat between nine and ten months. 

The campaign of 1797 was so decisively favorable to 
the French arms, that Buonaparte dictated the treaty of 
Campio Formio, while he changed the government of 
Venice and Genoa. The war upon the continent was 
thus for a time at an end, and England remained with 
Portugal alone, to sustain the combat. The naval war 
proved decisively in our favor. ,Sir John Jervis obtained 
the victory which gave birth to his present title (Earl 
St. Vincent). Admiral Duncan annihilated the Dutch 
fleet off Camperdown at a blow. In France three of the 
directors had arrested and transported sixty of the depu- 
ties who were alleged to be friendly to royalty, with 
Barthelemij their colleague, and thus established, for a 
time, their own power. Under these circumstances was 
Lord Malmesbury sent to Lisle to treat for peace. For 
the progress and event of the negotiation we refer to 
Mr. Pitt's explanation in parliament, which assembled 
on the 2d of Nov. In England discontent was much 
less prevalent than in former years. The victories of 
our navy gratified the national sense of honor; the re- 
appearance of gold and silver proved the responsibility 
of the bank, and dispelled apprehensions concerning na- 
tional credit. The abrupt termination of the embassy at 
Lisle was attributed to the hostility of France, the na- 
tion in general deemed the continuance of the war now 
a measure of necessary self defence, and was disposed 
to make the greatest exertions. Mr. Fox, together with 
other leading members of that party, had seceded. The 
address, therefore, passed with scarcely any opposition. 



144 THE LIFE OF A. 1797. 

On the 10th, when the papers relative to the negotiation 
came under consideration; Sir John Sinclair* moved an 



* Sir John Sinclair, Bart, is the elder son of the late Mr. 
Sinclair of Ulbster, (whose ancestors were hereditary sheriffs of 
Caithness) by J .met daughter of Lord Strathnaver, eldest son of 
the Earl of Sutherland. He was born in 1754, and educated for 
some time under the paternal roof, after which he removed first 
to the high school, and then to the university of Edinburgh. — 
Not content with this, he repaired to Glasgow on purpose to at- 
tend the lectures of professor Millar on civil law, on which the 
municipal lasv of Scotland is founded, and finally to Oxford, with 
a view of completing his studies at thM celebrated university. 

He, however, returned to Edinburgh with a view of studying 
the practical part of the jurisprudence of his native country, and 
his name is at this moment enrolled as a member of the college 
of advocates. 

His ambition, however, seems to have pointed at another ob- 
ject, and we accordingly find him representing his native county 
in parliament, as a knight of the shire, soon after he had attained 
the legitimate age. 

Towards the latter end of the American war he declared him- 
self decisively against that measure, and in 1783 we find his name 
in the list of those who voted in opposition to Mr. Fox's India 
bill, on the third division. 

When Mr. Pitt came into power, he acted for some time in 
unison with him, and in the course of his administration, in 1786, 
received a patent of a baronetage. 

During the debates on the regency, he sided with the Prince 
of Wales, believing his Royal Highness's claims founded on 
constitutional principles. At the commencement Of the former 
war with France, Sir John supported that measure, while it ap- 
peared to him productive of any practical utility ; but he at the 
same time declared himself in favor of an honorable peace, and 
in particular opposed the new land tax and income bills, as likely 
to promote its continuance to an indefinite period. 

In 1797 we find him taking an active and laudable part as a 
member of parliament, in facilitating the means of enclosing 
waste lands, and towards the latter end of that year he moved 
an amendment to the address, in favor of a renewal of the nego- 
tiation for peace. 

Sir John has now sat in part in five different parliaments chiefly 
for the county of Caithness, except in that convoked in 1796, when 
he represented the borough of Petersfield, Hants. 

He has been twice married : first in 1776, to Sarah daughter 
of Alexander Maitland of Stoke Newington, Esq by whom he 
had two daughters; and secondly in 1788, to the Hon. Miss Dia- 
na daughter of the late Lord Macdonald, by whom he has seve- 
al children. 



A. 1797. WILLIAM PITT- US 

amendment to the address. Mr. Pitt, in reply, distinct- 
ly separated the wishes of the people from the intention 
of the government of France. After much preliminary 
remark upon the prominent arguments of Sir John Sin- 



The following is one of the most accurate lists that can be ob- 
tained by us of his numerous publications : 

1. Observations on the Scottish dialect, 1782. 

2. Lucubrations during a short recess. Anon. 

3. Thoughts on the naval strength of the British empire. 

4. Hints addressed to the public, on the state of our finances. 

5. The History of the Public Revenue of the British Empire, 
2 vols. 4to. 1789 and 1790. 

6. State of alterations which may be proposed in the laws for 
regulating the election of members of parliament for shires in 
Scotland. 

7. An address to the Edinburgh society for the improvement 
©f British wool. 

8. An address to the landed interest on the corn bill, 1791. 

9. A statistical account of Scotland, 2 vols. 8vo. 

10. Letters to the directors and governors of the bank of Eng- 
land, on the pecuniary distresses of the country. 

11. A proposal for establishing an experimental farm in the 
neighbourhood of the metropolis ; with a print of a country vil- 
lage on a new plan, &c. 

12. On the progressive strength of the British navy. 

He is also editor of a fac simile engraved copy of Gen. Wash- 
ington's letters addressed to himself. 

It is to the exertions of Sir John that the board of agriculture 
is indebted for its existence. He was chosen its first president; 
and the manner in which he was voted out of the chair, although 
in strict conformity to the idea of a rotation of offices, was con- 
sidered as unhandsome by some of his friends. He was also the 
founder of a society for the improvement of British wool, and 
one for experimental farming. 

Nor have his services been without utility in another and very 
different line of exertion, for in 1794 and 1795 he raised two bat- 
talions of a fencible regiment, called the Caithness and Rothsay. 
At the present moment he commands the 3d battalion of Caith- 
ness volunteers, consisting of 220 rank and file, and is, we believe, 
lieutenant-colonel of the first battalion, commanded by his own 
relation the Earl of Caithness. 

Sir John, during the sitting of parliament, usually resides for 
a few months in town ; but his family lives for the greater part of 
the year in Edinburgh. He has a seat called Thurso-castle in the 
northern part of the kingdom, where he has been employed for 
some years in creating a town, in the market-place of which is to 
be erected a statue of Washington, of whom he was for many 
years the correspondent. 



146 THE LIFE OF A. 1797. 

clair's speech, he proceeded to an animated relation of 
the circumstances of the negotiation. He recapitulated 
the facts which look place on Lord M's embassy to Pa- 
ris, and said, in spite of the insulting termination of that 
negotiation, his majesty had determined to renew his 
application for peace. The directory began by a proce- 
dure contrary to general usage; they would receive no 
proposal for preliminaries, but insisted that conferences 
to conclude a definitive treaty should at once be held. 
It was acceded to. In granting a passport, they insert- 
ed a condition relative to the minister's powers, and that, 
inconsistent with his majesty's explantion ; the passport 
was for a minister coming to conclude a separate peace. 
His majesty declared he had no choice between a preli- 
minary and definitive treaty, but his good faith to his 
ally the queen of Portugal would not permit his acceding 
to a separate peace. It was then agreed that France 
should treat for Holland and Spain, and England for 
Portugal. In spite of these obstacles, and others more 
minute, Lord M. arrived at Lisle, and the powers were 
ene hanged, and were allowed to be unexceptionable, al- 
though three months afterwards the supposed defect of 
these powers was made the cause of the rupture of the 
negotiation. \\\ the exalted situation this nation held re- 
latively to France, who had nothing to restore to Great 
Britain, a project was delivered by the British plenipo- 
tentiary, which agreed to give up the conquests we had 
made, with certain exceptions; for these a blank was 
left, in order to ascertain whether France intended to 
divide the compensations between her and her allies. 
She had, however, no difficulty to declare, that she must 
retain every thing for herself. What, Sir, was it we 
offered to renounce to France? In one word, all that we 
had taken from them; and for what were these renun- 
ciations to be made? For peace, and for peace only. 
And to whom ? To a nation which had obtained from his 
majesty's dominions in Europe, nothing in the course of 
the war, which had never met our fleets but to add to 
the catalogue of our victories, and to swell the melan- 
choly lists of their own captures and defeats. Our pro- 
posal was allowed by the French ministers and trans* 
mitted to the directory. Months had elapsed in sending 



A. 1797. WILLIAM PITT. 147 

couriers from Lisle to Paris, while we, whom they had 
summoned a definitive treaty, only were to stop and dis- 
cuss preliminary points — we were to discuss whether his 
majesty would relinquish the title of king of France, a 
harmless feather, at most, in the crown of England— 
whether we would restore the ships taken at Toulon— 
the acquisition of valor, and which we were entitled, 
on every ground, to hold — whether we would renounce 
the mortgage we might possess in the Netherlands, and 
which engaged so much of the worthy baronet's attention 
But what he considers as so important was of no im- 
portance at all — we have none. We told them the true 
state of the case, and that it was not worth talking about. 
It was next demanded we should consent to give up all 
we had taken, and then to hear what we had further to 
ask. Is it possible to suppose that such a thing could 
be listened to by any country that was not prepared to 
prostrate itself at the feet of France, and in that abject 
posture to adore its conqueror, to solicit new insults, to 
submit to demands still more degrading and ignominious, 
and to concede at once the honor of the British name? 
His majesty had no hesitation in refusing to comply with 
such insolent and unwarrantable demands. His majes- 
ty's firmness, however, drew new assurances of the most 
pacific intentions and new promises of the contre firojet. 
The same offensive demands were, nevertheless, soon 
after renewed on the part of the directory, and Lord M. 
was finally desired to^o to England for fresh powers. Mr. 
Pitt having thus stated the progress and issue of the nego- 
tiation, concluded in these words: there is one great re- 
source, which I trust will never abandon us, and which 
has shone forth in the English character, by which we 
have preserved our existence and fume as a nation, which 
I trust we shall be determined never to abandon under 
any extremity, but shall join hand and heart in the so- 
lemn pledge that is proposed to us, and declare to his ma- 
jesty, that we know great exertions are wanting, that we 
are prepared to make them, and at all events determined to 
stand or fall by the laws, liberties and religion of 
our country. Such was the influence of this speech, that 
it seemed to satisfy all doubts and silence all opposition. 
Sir J. Sinclair confessed he was not insensible of the 



148 THE LIFE OF A. 1798. 

weight of the arguments adduced, and withdrew his mo- 
tion. 

On the 22d of November Mr. Pitt brought forward 
his annual statement of accounts. The expense of the 
year amounted to twenty-five and a half millions. In 
order to furnish a supply, he declared it to be his inten- 
tion to have recourse to a perfectly new and solid system 
of finance. Of this sum six and a half millions would 
arise from the unappropriated produce of the sinking 
fund, exchequer bills and unmortgaged taxes; nineteen 
millions were then to be provided for, seven of these he 
proposed to raise within the year by a new impost, which 
should be regulated by the existing assessed taxes in a 
triplicate proportion to their actual amount — limited, 
however, to the tenth of each person's income, and mo- 
dified according to circumstances. Of the remaining 
twelve millions, four might be borrowed without creat- 
ing any additional debt ; the produce of the sinking fund, 
old and new, appropriated to the purpose of liquidating 
the national debt, being equal to that amount. For the 
other eight millions, he proposed that the triple assess- 
ment be continued till the principal and interest be com- 
pletely discharged; so that, after seven millions should 
be raised for the service of the year, the same taxes, in 
little more than another year, would pay off the eight mil- 
lions thus borrowed, with the intermediate interest. The 
bill was opposed with much severity in every stage ; and 
on the second reading, Mr. Fox and Mr. Sheridan again 
made their appearance in the house. An additional 
clause was proposed by Mr. Addington, allowing volun- 
tary contributions, and adopted. The bill finally passed, 
by a majority of 196 to 71. 

On the 27th of March, 1798, Mr. Dundas moved for 
leave to bring in his bill, for the defence of the realm, 
which gave rise to the volunteer associations. The alien 
and the habeas corpus suspension bills were revived. Mr. 
Pitt also proposed a financial measure for the redemp- 
tion, or rather the commutation, of the land-tax; its ob- 
ject was to absorb a large quantity of stock, and in the 
process to transfer a great portion of the national debt 
into a landed security. The quantity of stock thus trans- 
ferred was in its amount to equal, at least, the quantity 



A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 149 

of land-tax, which, by this means, should be extinguish- 
ed, and become applicable to the public service. The 
amount of the land-tax is two millions sterling; the mi- 
nister proposed to set it up at twenty years' purchase, 
when the three per cents, were at fifty, with a propor- 
tionable rise of purchasage, according to their increas- 
ing price. Forty millions sterling, the present amount 
of the land-tax, at twenty years' purchase, would amount 
to eighty millions, three per cents, stock at fifty, afford- 
ing an interest of 2,400,000/. and leaving a clear gain to 
the revenue of 400,000/. a year. To simplify the ope- 
ration, the purchase was to be made in stock, and not in 
money; the proprietor was to have the opportunity of 
pre-emption, as the land-tax was not to be offered to sale 
to third persons, until the expiration of a certain period, 
to be given to the proprietor of the land to make his ar- 
rangements for the purchase; afterwards it was redeem- 
able by the proprietor, on replacing to the original pur- 
chaser the same quantity of three per cent, stock which 
he paid as the price of his purchase. This scheme en- 
countered strong objections, but these were over-ruled, 
and a bill conformable to Mr. Pitt's plan was passed into 
a law. 

The alarm at invasion, not only continuing but increas- 
ing, and the French having by this time assembled a vast 
force on the opposite side of the channel, the chancel- 
lor of the exchequer, on the 25th of May, moved for a 
bill for the more effectual manning of the navy. The 
chief object he had in view was the temporary suspen- 
sion of protections, and it was his wish that the bill 
should that day pass through its different stages. Mr. 
Tierney* expressed his belief that the augmentation of 

* The Right Honorable George Tierney, the son of a 
respectable Spanish merchant, formerly of the city of London, 
is said to have been born in Dublin. After receiving a good edu- 
cation, he appears to have been originally destined for India; he 
himself, however, exhibited an earnest attachment to the bar 
and was at length entered a member of one of the Inns of Court'. 

At an early period of life he married into a respectable family 
and his views being no longer bounded by Westminster Hall, he 
extended them to St. Stephen's Chapel, within the walls of which 

O 



tso THE LIFE OF A. 179*. 

the navy might be provided for in the usual way. No 
arguments had been offered to prove the propriety of 

he knew that, provided talents be united with industry and re- 
search, there is a fair chance for ultimate success. 

It became necessary, however, as a preliminary step, to can- 
vass some open borough, and Colchester was unfortunately chosen 
for the first coup d'essai, as two unsuccessful contests, very ex- 
pensive. 

One good event was at least produced by these conflicts : they 
afforded a favorable idea of the candidate's talents, and many re- 
spectable inhabitants of Southwark determined to bring him in 
for that borough, as every independent member ought to be — 
free of expense. Accordingly, at the general election of 1796, 
he opposed Mr. G. W. Thelluson, who had a decisive majority 
on the poll. This, however, was not sufficient; for Mr. T. pe- 
tioned against the return, and in consequence of the operation of 
the statute against gifts, entertainments, &.c. commonly called 
the " Treating Act," the nomination was declared void. A new 
election ensued, and Mr. Thelluson again possessed a majority 
on the poll; but a new petition seated Mr. Tierney, on the ground 
of ineligibility on the part of his rival. 

In 1802 three candidates started for the representation of 
Southwark. These consisted of the two former members and 
Sir Thomas Turton, of Starborough Castle, in the county of Sur- 
rey, Bart, and a barrister. The last of these gentlemen was bred 
to the bar; he had recently married a lady of large fortune, and 
had been created a baronet in 1796. He was greatly attached to 
Mr. Pitt's administration ; and this circumstance, in addition-to 
some influence of his own, procured for him a number of friends 
in the borough. 

But the government of the country had recently changed hands, 
and Mr. Addington was now minister; while Mr. Tierney, ac- 
cording to conjecture, was about to enjoy an honorable and lu- 
crative appointment under the crown. It was not probable, there- 
fore, that any court influence would be now exerted against that 
gentleman, but on the other hand it was foreseen (which actually 
occurred) that he would be deserted by many of the most zeal- 
ous of his adherents. At the final close of the poll Mr. Tierney 
was elected by a small majority. 

In 1797 Mr. T. voted in favor of a parliamentary reform; and 
during the whole of the former war the contest with France was 
uniformly opposed by him. When the principal leaders of the 
opposition seceded, he still remained in the house, and combated, 
the minister with no common degree of talents and zeal. But 
it was chiefly on matters of finance that he distinguished himself ; 
and the adroitness of his remarks, the accuracy of his calcula- 
tions, added to the keenness of his replies, acquired applause. 

When a change in public affairs took place, the member tor 



A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 151 

such an extraordinary deviation from the common prac- 
tice of that house ; nor was he prepared to give three 
or four votes without some deliberation and reflection in 
favor of a bill which, like all the other measures of mi- 
nistry, he considered as decidedly hostile to the liberty 
of the subject. Mr. Pitt rose in great warmth, and 
said " that if every measure adopted against the designs 
of France was to be considered as hostile to the liberties 
of this country, then indeed his idea of liberty differed 
widely from that of the honorable gentleman. Were 
the present bill not passed in a day, it was obvious that 
those whom it concerned might elude its effects: but if 
the measure was necessary, and that a previous notice 
would render it inefficient, how could the honorable gen- 
tleman's opposition to it be accounted for, but from a de- 
sire to obstruct the defence of the country I" Mr. Tier- 
ney now rose, and called the chancellor of exchequer 
to order; and the speaker interposing with that dignified 
impartiality which has ever marked his conduct, ob- 
served, that whatever had a tendency to throw suspicion 
on the sentiments of a member, if conveyed in language 

Southwark received an invitation to join the new administration, 
and was appointed treasurer of the navy with a seat at the coun- 
cil board. He also became colonel of the Somerset-house volun- 
teers, ex officio, and, in consequence of the attachment of the 
inhabitants of the borough, was nominated to the command of a 
reg.ment raised there ; but an unfortunate misunderstanding hav- 
ing taken place, he at length resigned. 

Having retired from office with Mr. Addington, he was exa- 
mined by the commissioners while occupied in drawing up the 
tenth report ; on which occasion his answers appeared satisfacto- 
ry, and his hands clean. When the conduct of Lord Melville, 
who had preceded him in that office, became a subject of investi- 
gation in the house of commons, he joined in the vote of cen- 
sure on that nobleman ; on which occasion he received the thanks 
of his constituents. 

The member for Southwark has published, 

1st. A pamphlet entitled The Real Situation of the East India 
Company considered — 1787: 

2d. A Letter to the Right Hon. Henry Dundas, now Lord 
Melville, on the Affairs of India— 1792 : 

3d. A Rejoinder to the Reply of the late George Anderson, 
Esq. accountant to the Board of Controul, on the same subject : 

And 4th. Two Letters concerning the Colchester Petition — 
1791. 



152 THE LIFE OF A. 179*. 

that clearly marked such intention, was certainly irre- 
gular. This the house would judge of, but they would 
wait to hear the honorable gentleman's explanation. Mr. 
Pitt replied, " that if the house waited for his explana- 
tion, he feared it must wait a long time. He submitted 
what he* had said to the judgment of the house, and 
would n^t depart from any thing he had advanced, by 
sillier retracting or explaining his words." Mr. Tierney 
immediately left the house, a challenge was sent from 
that gentleman to Mr. Pitt, and a duel fought between 
them on the ensuing Sunday. The following article ap- 
peared in the public prints, on Monday, May 28: — We 
are authorized to state, that, in consequence of what 
passed on Friday last, Mr. Pitt, accompanied by Mr. 
Ryder, and Mr. Tierney, accompanied by Sir George 
"Walpole, met at three o'clock yesterday afternoon, on 
Putney heath. After some ineffectual attempts, on the 
part of the seconds, to prevent farther proceedings, the 
parties took their ground at the distance of twelve paces. 
A case of pistols was fired at the same moment, without 
effect; a second case was also fired in the same manner, 
JMr. Pitt firing his pistol in the air: the seconds then 
jointly interfered, and insisted that the matter should go 
no farther, it being their decided opinion that sufficient 
satisfaction had been given, and that the business was 
ended with perfect honor to both parties. 

The state of Ireland now became the frequent subject 
of inquiry and animadversion, but ministry represented 
the circumstances as too critical for discussion. The 
slave trade abolition was once more negatived, and the 
session was ended on the 27th of June. It was during 
this year that the plans of the United Irishmen, which 
had been concerted with the French government to aid 
their invasion, and finally to establish Ireland as an in- 
dependent republic, became known. — Conciliatory mea- 
sures were proposed by opposition, but the ministry con- 
ceited, that, though generally successful if applied be- 
fore the passions of men are inflamed, they would now 
come too late. Vigorous means were therefore adopted* 
— Troops were sent over, of which the English militia 
having been permitted to volunteer the service, formed 
a part, and the insurrection was subdued. In the mean 



A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 153 

time Lord Camden Was recalled, and Marquis Cornwal- 
lis, who united great military talents to extensive civil 
knowledge, succeeded him. This nobleman's judicious 
plans tended much to quiet and prepare Ireland for a 
permanent system, which might prevent the recurrence 
of much evil. Sir J. B. Warren's victory over the French 
squadron, which brought assistance to the insurgents, 
also contributed to extinguish the rebellion. The threats 
of invasion were continued, and the nation was in arms. 
But the French were secretly preparing the Egyptian 
expedition, which sailed, and after landing the troops, it 
will ever be proudly remembered, was encountered and 
overcome by Admiral Nelson. In pursuance of the 
treaty of Campio Formio, a congress was now sitting at 
Rastadt. Russia seemed to enter earnestly into the war ; 
the Porte incensed at the landing in Egypt, declared 
against France; and the Americans, indignant at the 
conduct of the French to their shipping, were also pre- 
paring to take part if the negotiation should fail. The 
British ministers had recovered, in a great degree, their 
popularity — so powerful is the influence of success— 
when parliament met on the 20th of November. Oppo- 
sition still continued their secession, and the address was 
carried with only one dissenting voice. 

On the 3d of December, the minister, in a speech of 
uncommon length and excellence, developed his plans of 
finance for the year; the sum total of the supplies re- 
quired, was 29,272,0001. The ways and means for which 
there were the usual resources, in the duties substituted 
in lieu of the land tax, now made perpetual, the lottery, 
the consolidated fund, and imports and exports, extend- 
ed to the amount of 6,150,0001. The remainder of the 
sum total of the supplies for the year, remaining to be 
raised, either by a tax within the year, in the same man- 
ner as the assessed tax bill of last year, or by a loan, was 
upwards of 23 millions. Last session, the plan of treb- 
ling the assessed taxes, not only was taken to furnish a 
certain portion of the supplies of the year, but part of its 
produce was assigned for the extinction of such part of 
the loan of eight millions as was not covered by the 
sinking fund. Voluntary contributions had made up the 
deficit on the assessed taxes ; and the superior produce 
02 



154 THE LIFE OF A. 1798 

of the exports and imports beyond the estimate of ways 
and means, had brought the amount of the sums to be 
raised to that of 7| millions, at which they had been 
calculated. The produce of the assessed taxes, which 
he had estimated at 4,500,0001. under all the modifica- 
tions they had undergone, and all the evasions and tricks 
with which so many persons had shifted the public bur- 
den from their own shoulders, was yet four miilions. 
Instead of 1,500,0001. the voluntary contributions already 
exceeded two millions ; and the sum of 7-1 millions, for 
which credit had been taken, and had been effective to 
the public service. These particulars, respecting the 
estimate of 1798, being premised, Mr. Pitt proceeded to 
state a new plan for raising a very considerable part of 
the supplies within the year, and of course proportionably 
diminishing that of the sum to be borrowed. This was 
by a tax on income. The commissioners who should be 
invested with power of fixing every one's income, should 
be persons of a respectable situation in life, and men of 
integrity and independence ; and peculiar provisions 
were framed to secure such a choice. No persons whose 
incomes were under 601. a year should pay any thing, 
every one should state what the sum was, which he was 
willing to contribute under a declaration, that what he so 
contributed was not less than one-tenth of his income. 
But the next point to be considered, was in what manner 
the declaration of the parties should be checked and as- 
certained. The mode Mr. Pitt would propose, was, that 
it should be made the duty of some officers in each dis- 
trict, to lay before the commissioners any grounds of 
doubt which they might entertain. When these grounds 
of doubt should be transmitted to the commissioners, 
they should have the power of requiring a specification 
of income arising from the different branches, and ac- 
cording to the forms prescribed by a schedule annexed 
to the act. If the commissioners should not be satisfied, 
they might require another specification. Individuals 
also might state in what they had been overcharged. If 
the commissioners should not be satisfied with the 
schedule given in, they should have, in that case, the 
power to proceed to examinations by oath ; but they 
should hare no power to compel a man to answer— they 



A. 1793. WILLIAM PITT. 155 

should neither have authority to call for books, nor to 
examine clerks or agents. If, however, the party ex- 
amined should withhold any information on these points, 
it should rest with the commissioners to form their own 
opinion, and their judgment should be final, unless the 
party chose to appeal to the highest order of the com- 
missioners ; but, even in that case, no books or papers 
should be examined. If the party should be unwilling 
to produce those papers, he must acquiesce in the deci- 
sion which the commissioners should come to upon such 
other information as it might be in their power to obtain. 
Such information the commissioners should be strictly 
sworn not to disclose, nor to avail themselves of it for 
any purpose separate from the execution of the act. If 
however any information should be made upon oath, 
which the commissioners should think to be false, they 
might carry on a prosecution for perjury. Mr. Pitt pro- 
ceeded to propose certain exemptions from disclosure of 
income: abatements and allowances in favor of certain 
descriptions of persons; and next to consider the proba- 
ble amount of the tax. — Having reviewed the general 
sources of wealth in this country, he stated the national 
income to be 102,000,0001. annually, clear of all deduc- 
tions ; on this sum, a tax of 10 per cent, was likely to 
produce 10,000,0001. a year. Mr. Pitt having thus ex- 
plained the nature and object of his present plan of fi- 
nance, observed, that it was founded on an extension of 
the general principle of that financial measure which had 
been adopted last session of parliament. If the commit- 
tee had seen the advantages of that principle, imperfect 
as it was, in comparison of that of the present measure, 
they would find something better than reason to induce 
them to adhere to it ; they would find that their own ex- 
perience decided in its favor. Among all the various 
circumstances in which resided the hopes of our enemies 
abroad, of all the causes that chiefly aggravated the fears 
of those who were most desponding at home, there 
were none which more forcibly operated than the hopes 
on the one hand and the fears on the other, of increasing 
our funded debt. It was not so much the power, enmi- 
ty, or extravagance of the enemy that excited apprehen- 
sion, but that we should trust to the u*ual resources of 



156 THE LIFE OF A. 1798. 

the country till they failed ; and that no others could be 
substituted in their place, without danger and mischief 
resulting from them. We have, however, had the satis- 
faction of knowing, that now, under the accumulated 
burdens of protracted war, after a period of six years of 
arduous contest, after events alarming to the public 
credit of the kingdom, we have seen, after all this, the 
country on a sudden rousing herself, and adopting new 
means of vigor and exertion, distinguishing herself and 
surpassing the proudest period of the British history. 
We have had the happiness of becoming instrumental in 
producing the glorious change which has taken place ; 
but let it be recollected that it is not those events which 
are the most dazzling and striking, that, perhaps, have 
had the largest share in producing the favorable change 
in the situation and prospects of the country* It is true 
all this is to be ascribed to the secrecy and vigilance- 
displayed in our naval departments, the disposition of our 
maritime strength; but they are to be ascribed more 
immediately to the transcendant, the unequalled abilities, 
and intrepidity and skill of our commanders, to whose 
merits I cannot do justice. There has been shewn a 
degree of fervent zeal, of perseverance, of ardor, of re- 
solution on the part of British seamen, by which their 
character is raised in the estimation of the world. But 
while this valor and activity have averted the impending 
storm, do not let us forget that the power of employing 
such a force is to be attributed to the circumstance of 
our possessing the pecuniary resources necessary to fur- 
nish that force. The resources for our national defence 
have arisen from the firmness and inflexible perseverance 
of parliament; from the zeal, magnanimity and decision 
in promoting the public interest, which have character- 
ized all classes of British subjects. They have had the 
satisfaction of being instrumental in the salvation of 
themselves and the rest of the world, and of vindicating 
their insulted honors. We have seen a mercantile coun- 
try, arm themselves for the defence of their country. W T e 
have happily seen them, without any diminution of that 
mercantile pursuit which furnishes their resources, dis- 
play the noblest instances of magnanimity, and persons 
from whose situations and habits it would least have been 



A. 1798. WILLIAM PITT. 157 

expected, shew a degree of military zeal and enthusiasm 
which has given us all the advantages of a military na- 
tion, without any diminution of those other advantages 
which are more felt than cherished among us. I must 
believe there is not a man who would be disposed to 
question the policy of the conduct which we have adopt- 
ed. When we have the satisfaction of knowing that by- 
performing our duty we have consulted our immediate 
interest as much as our permanent security; we can 
have no hesitation in adhering to the same line of con- 
duct, and following up that system which has been pro- 
ductive of so much benefit. On these grounds, there- 
fore, he would propose a set of resolutions on the plan 
which he had submitted to their consideration. The 
bill finally passed by a great majority. It was, however, 
justly unpopular, from its imposing the heaviest burdens 
wpon the middling classes, and from its great exposure of 
private concerns. The other taxes were laid on sugar, 
coffee, bills of exchange and stamps* 

A provisional treaty was concluded between Great 
Britain and Russia, December 18, 1798. His Britan- 
nic majesty engaged to furnish the pecuniary succours, 
225,0001. sterling for the first and most urgent expenses; 
of which 75,0001. was to be paid as soon as the troops 
had passed the Russian frontier. It was also stipulated, 
that his Britannic majesty should pay for a campaign of 
eight months, a subsidy of 112,5001. per month— two- 
thirds of the sum to be immediately paid, the other third 
at the conclusion of a peace The Emperor, on his part, 
was to bring to the field forty-five thousand men, in ca- 
valry and infantry, with the necessary artillery. The 
contracting parties engaged not to make either peace or 
armistice without including each other in the treaty. A 
message from his majesty stated this convention to par- 
liament, and the requisite subsidy was proposed by mi- 
nisters. Mr. Pitt, in a very eloquent speech, enlarged 
on the merits of the prince, who now swayed the Rus- 
sian sceptre. From the praises of Paul, Mr. Pitt passed 
to those of the people of England. " There is," said he, 
"a high spirited pride, an elevated loyalty, a generous 
warmth of heart, a nobleness of spirit, a hearty hilarity 
and manly gaiety that distinguish our nation, in which 



158 THE LIFE OF A. 1798. 

we are to look for the best pledges of general safety, and 
of that security against general usurpation, which other 
nations, in their weakness or their folly, have no -where 
found. With respect to that which appeared so much 
to embarrass certain gentlemen, the deliverance of Europe, 
he would net say particularly what it was; whether from 
the infection of false principles, the corroding cares of a 
period of distraction and dismay, or the dissolution of 
all governments, and death of all social order and religion. 
Will then gentlemen continue to regard with suspicion 
the conduct of the Emperor of Russia? Has he not suf- 
ficiently shewn his devotion to the cause in which we are 
engaged, by the kind, and number, and value of his sa- 
crifices, ultimately to prevail in the struggle against a 
tyranny, which, in changing our point of vision, we every 
where find accompanied in its desolating progress, by de- 
gradation, misery and nakedness, to the unhappy vic- 
tims of its power — a tyranny which has magnified and 
strengthened its powers to do mischief in the proportion 
that the legitimate and venerable fabrics of civilized and 
polished society have declined from the meridian of their 
glory, and lost the power of doing good — a tyranny 
which strides across the ill-fated domain of France, its 
foot armed with the scythe of oppression and indiscrimi- 
nate proscription, that touches only to blight, and rests 
only to destroy — the reproach and the curse of the infa- 
tuated people who still continue to acknowledge it. In 
my view of security, every object of ambition and ag- 
grandizement is abandoned. Our simple object is secu- 
rity, just security, with a little mixture of indemnifica- 
tion. But wishing to be understood, 1 answer the hono- 
rable gentleman when he asks, " I/oes the right hono- 
rable gentleman mean to prosecute the war until the 
French Republic is overthrown? is it his determination 
not to treat with France while it continues a republic?" 
I answer, I do not confine my views to the territorial 
limits of France ; I contemplate the principles, character, 
and conduct of France ; I consider what these are ; I see 
in them the issues of destruction, of infamy and ruin, to 
every state in her alliance; and, therefore, I say, that 
until the aspect of that mighty mass of iniquity and folly 
is entirely changed, until, by the common consent of the 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 159 

general voice of all men, I can, with truth, tell parliament, 
France is no longer terrible for her contempt of the 
rights of every other nation — she no longer avows 
schemes of universal empire — she has settled into a state, 
whose government can maintain those relations in their 
integrity, in which alone civilized communities are to 
find their security, there can be no safety in peace. 
Such are my sentiments. I am not afraid to avow them. 
I commit them to the thinking among mankind ; and if 
they have not been poisoned by the stream of French 
sophistry, prejudiced by her falsehood, I am sure they 
will approve of the determination I have avowed, for 
those grave and mature reasons on which I found it. 

It was in this period of the session that the grand and 
important measure of the union of Ireland and Great 
Britain became the subject of parliamentary considera- 
tion. On the 22d of January, a message on that sub- 
ject was received from his mujestv by both houses of 
parliament. His majesty, after adverting to the unre- 
mitting industry with which our enemies persevered in 
their avowed design of effecting the separation of Ire- 
land from this kingdom, recommended it to the lords 
and commons" to consider of the most effectual means of 
finally defeating that design, by disposing the parliaments 
of both kingdoms to provide, in the manner which they 
should judge the most expedient, for settling such a com- 
plete and final adjustment, as might best tend to im- 
prove and perpetuate a connection essential for their 
common security, and consolidate the strength, power, 
and resources of the British empire." On the folio wing 
day, when this message was taken into consideration, 
Mr. Dundas introduced a motion, the substance of which, 
was, u that the house would proceed, with all due dis- 
patch, to the consideration of the several interests re- 
commended in his majesty's gracious message to their 
serious attention." >ir. Sheridan said, that before mi- 
nisters recommended to the house of commons to take 
measures that led inevitably to the discussion of some 
plan of union, it was incumbent on them to have shewn, 
that the last pledge of the English parliament to the peo- 
ple of Ireland, by which their independence was recog- 
nized, and their rights acknowledged, had not produced 



160 THE LIFE OF A. 1799. 

that unanimity which the parliaments of the two coun- 
tries ought to cherish. He then entered at large into 
the question, and concluded by moving an amendment, 
which went to state, that "there appeared to be an in- 
tention of effecting an union, and to implore his majesty 
not to listen to those who might advise such a measure 
at the present crisis.'' Mr. Pitt did not think it necessa- 
ry to enter fully into the important details which the sub- 
ject before them naturally suggested, and although he 
spoke at some length in reply to Mr. Sheridan we pass 
on to his speech when the question was resumed, as it 
contains all that can be said upon the subject in the most 
eloquent form. Mr. Sheridan withdrew his amendment, 
and the original motion was put and carried. Soon af- 
ter this, intelligence was received by the British govern- 
ment, that the proposal for an union, which had been 
laid before the Irish parliament, had been rejected. It 
was carried in the upper house by a great majority, but 
lost in the commons by one vote. 

On Thursday, January 31, 1799, the order of the day 
for taking his majesty's message, relative to an union 
with Ireland, into consideration being read, Mr. Pitt rose 
and said, that when he proposed to the bouse that mea- 
sure the last time, in order to fix the present day for its 
farther consideration, he indulged a hope that the result 
of a similar communication to the parliament of Ireland, 
would have opened a more favorable prospect than at pre- 
sent existed, of its speedy accomplishment. But while 
he admitted and respected the rights of the parliament 
of Ireland, he felt, that, as a member of the parliament 
of Great Britain, he also had a right to exercise, and a 
duty to perform. That duty was to express, as distinct- 
ly as he could, the general nature and outline of the plan, 
which, in his conscience, he thought would tend, in the 
strongest manner, to insure the safety and happiness of 
both kingdoms. If parliament, after full explanation, 
and mature deliberation, should be of the same opinion, 
he would propose that its determination should remain 
recorded as that by which the parliament of Great Bri- 
tain were ready to abide, leaving to the legislature of 
Ireland to reject or adopt it hereafter, upon a full consi- 
deration of the measure. I do entertain a confidence, 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 161 

continued Mr. P. even under the apparent discouragement 
of the opinion expressed by the Irish house of commons, 
that this measure is founded upon such clear, such de- 
monstrable grounds of utility ; is so calculated to add to 
the strength and power of the empire, (in which the safe- 
ty of Ireland is included, and from which it never can 
be separated) and is attended with so many advantages 
to Ireland in particular, that all that can be necessary 
for its ultimate adoption is, that it should be stated dis- 
tinctly, temperately and fully, and that it should be left 
to the unprejudiced, the dispassionate, the sober judg- 
ment of the parliament of Ireland. I am the more en- 
couraged in this hope of the ultimate success of this 
measure when I see that barely more than one half of 
the members that attended the house of commons were 
adverse to it; and that in the other house of parliament 
in Ireland, containing, as it does, so large a portion of 
the property of that kingdom, it was approved by a great 
majority. When I have reason to believe that the sen- 
timents of a large party of the people of that country are 
favorable to it; and that much of the manufacturing and 
of the commercial interests of Ireland are already sensi- 
ble how well it is calculated to promote their advantage, 
I think that it will still terminate in that which can alone 
be a fortunate result. Let me ask, what is the situation 
of affairs that has called us to the discussion of this sub- 
ject? This very connection, the necessity of which has 
been admitted on all hands, has been attacked bv foreign 
enemies and by domestic traitors. The dissolution of 
this connection is the great object of the hostility of our 
common enemies; let us profit by the designs of those 
who, if their conduct displays no true wisdom, at least 
possess that species of wisdom which is calculated for 
the promotion of mischief. The settlement which was 
made in 1782 consisted in the demolition of the system 
which before held the two countries together. Such was 
the final adjustment of 1782; and I can prove it to be so, 
not only from the plainest reasoning, but I can prove it 
by the opinion expressed by the British parliament at 
that very time. 1 can prove it by the opinion expressed 
by those very ministers by whom it was proposed and 
conducted. On a former night, I read an extract from 

P 



162 THE LIFE OF A. 1799. 

tile journals, to shew what was the opinion even of those 
by whom the final adjustment was proposed. It would 
then appear, that the message was sent to the parlia- 
ment of Ireland, recommending to them the adoption of 
some plan for a final adjustment between the two coun- 
tries; in answer to this, the parliament of Ireland stated 
certain grievances, the principal of which was, the pow- 
ers claimed by the parliament of Great Britain of making 
laws to bind Ireland. On that ground was moved the re- 
peal of what was called the declaratory act; which mo- 
tion was assented to by the British parliament. I beg 
farther to state, that after the motion for the bill, of 
which so much has been said, was passed, an address, 
to his majesty was moved and carried, praying him to 
take such farther measures as to him seemed proper, to 
strengthen the connection between the two countries. I 
now come to the commercial proposition which was 
brought forward in 1785. The best, perhaps, that can 
be said of it is, that it went as far as circumstances would 
then permit, to draw the two countries into a closer con- 
nection, yet, if I am not mistaken, it will be found that 
the chancellor of the exchequer of that day, in Ireland, 
in a debate upon the Irish propositions, held this lan- 
guage : — " If this infatuated country gives up the present 
offer, she may look for it again in vain — things cannot 
remain as they are — commercial jealousy is roused — it 
will increase with two independent legislatures, and with- 
out an united interest in commerce, in a commercial em- 
pire, political union will receive many shocks, and sepa- 
ration of interest must threaten separation of connection, 
which every honest Irishman must shudder to look at as 
a possible event." 

What is the evil to which he alludes? Commercial 
jealousies between two countries acting upon the laws of 
two independent legislatures, and the danger of those 
legislatures acting in opposition to each other. How 
can this evil be remedied? By two means only; either 
by some compact entered into by the legislatures of the 
two countries, respecting the mocie of forming their com- 
mercial regulations, or else by blending the two legisla- 
tures together; these are the only two. 1 defy the wit 
of man to point out a '.bird. The experiment of a mu* 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 163 

tual compact has been tried without success; the result 
then is — you must remain in the state which that right 
honorable gentleman has described, or you must again 
recur to the proposal of a compact similar to that reject- 
ed in 1785, or you must resort to the best and most ef- 
fectual remedy — a legislative union. If we were to ask 
the ministers of our allies, what measure they thought 
the most likely to augment the power of the British em- 
pire, and consequently increase that strength by which 
they were now protected — if we were to ask the agent of 
our enemies, what measure would be the most likely to 
render their designs abortive — the answer would be the 
same in both cases, viz. the firm consolidation of every 
part of the empire. There is another consideration well 
worth attention: Recollect what are the peculiar means 
by which we have been enabled to resist the unequalled 
and eccentric efforts of France, without any diminution, 
nay, with an increase of our general prosperity — what, 
but the great commercial resources which we possess? 
A measure, then, which must communicate to such a 
mighty limb of the empire as Ireland, all the commer- 
cial advantages which Great Britain possesses, which 
will open the markets of the one country to the other, 
which will give them both the common use of their ca- 
pital, must, by diffusing a large portion of wealth into 
Ireland, considerably increase the resources, and conse- 
quently the strength of the whole empire. But it is not 
merely in the general view that 1 think the question 
ought to be considered. We ought to look to it with a 
view peculiarly to the permanent interest and security 
of Ireland. When that country was threatened with the 
double danger of hostile attacks by enemies without, and 
of treason within, from what quarter did she derive the 
means of deliverance? — from the naval force of Great 
Britain— from the voluntary exertions of her military of 
every description, not called for by law, and from her 
pecuniary resources, added to the loyalty and energy of 
the inhabitants of Ireland itself; of which it is impossi- 
ble to speak with too much praise, and which shews how 
well they deserve to Oe called the brethren of Britons. 
When that danger threatened Ireland, the purse of 
Great Britain was as open for the wants of Ireland, as 



164 THE LIFE OF A. 1799, 

for the necessities of England. I do not, Sir, state 
these circumstances, as upbraiding Ireland for the bene- 
fits we have conferred; far from it; but I state them 
with pleasure, as shewing the friendship and good-will 
with which the country has acted towards her. It is to 
identify them with us — it is to make them part of the 
same community, by giving them a full share of those 
accumulated blessings which are diffused /throughout 
Great Britain; it is, in a word, by giving them a full 
participation of the wealth, the power, and the glory of 
the British empire. Until the kingdoms are united, any 
attempt to make regulations here for the internal state 
of Ireland, must certainly be a violation of her indepen- 
dence. But feeling, as I do, for their interests and 
their welfare, I cannot be inattentive to the events that 
are passing before me. I must therefore repeat, that 
whoever considers that the enemy have shewn by their 
conduct, that they considered Ireland as the weakest 
and most vulnerable part of the empire; whoever re- 
ilects upon those dreadful and inexcusable cruelties, in- 
stigated by the enemies of both countries, and upon those 
lamentable severities by winch the exertions for the de- 
fence of Ireland were unhappily, but unavoidably attend- 
ed, must feel that, as it now stands composed, in the 
hostile division of its sects, in the animosities existing 
between ancient settlers and original inhabitants, in the 
ignorance aid want of civilization which mark that coun- 
try more than almost any other country in Europe, in 
the unfortunate prevalence of Jacobin principles, arising 
from these causesj and augmenting their malignity, and 
which have produced that distressed state which we 
now deplore; eveiy one, I say, who reflects upon 
all these circumstances, must agree with, me in think- 
ing, that there is no cure but in the formation of a ge- 
neral imperial legislature, free alike from terror and from 
resentment, removed from the danger and agitation, 
and uninfluenced by die prejudices and uninflamed by 
the passions of that distracted country. 

Above all, in the great leading distinction between the 
people of Ireland, (■ mean their religious distinctions) 
what is their situation? 1 he protestant feels that the 
claims of the catholics threaten the existence of the pro- 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 165 

testant ascendancy ; while, on the other hand, the great 
body of catholics feel the establishment of the national 
church, and their exclusion from the exercise of certain 
rights and privileges a grievance. Between the two, it 
becomes a matter of difficulty in the minds of many per- 
sons, whether it would be better to listen only to the 
fears of the former, or to grant the claims of the latter. 
No man can say, that in the present state of things, and 
while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, full conces- 
sion could be made to the catholics, without endangering 
the state, and shaking the constitution of Ireland to its 
centre. In the second place, I think it certain that, even 
for whatever period it may be thought necessary, after 
the union, to withhold from the catholics the enjoyment 
of those advantages, many of the objections which at 
present arise out of their situation would be removed, if 
the protestant legislature were no longer separate and 
local, but general and imperial ; and the catholics them- 
selves would at once feel a mitigation of the most goad- 
ing and irritating of their present causes of complaint. 
How far,.in addition to this great and leading considera- 
tion, it may also be wise and practicable to accompany 
the measure by some mode of relieving the lower orders 
from the pressure of tithes, or to make, under proper 
regulations, and without breaking in on the security of 
the present protestant establishment, an effectual and 
adequate provision for the catholic clergy, it is not now 
necessary to discuss. It is sufficient to say, that these 
and all other subordinate points connected with the same 
subject, are more likely to be permanently and satisfac- 
torily settled by an united legislature, than by any local 
arrangements. I have heard it asked, when I pressed 
the measure, what are the positive advantages that Ire- 
land is to derive from it? To this very question I pre- 
sume the considerations which 1 have already urged 
afford a sufficient answer. It will be found to bear some 
resemblance to a question which has been repeatedly put 
by some of the gentlemen opposite to me, during the last 
six years. What are the advantages which Great Bri- 
tain has gained by the present war with France? To 
this, the brilliant successes of tne British arms by sea 
and land, our unexampled naval victories over all our 
P2 



16-6 THE LIFE OF A. 1799. 

enemies, the solid acquisition of valuable territory, the 
general increase of our power, the progressive extension 
of our commerce, and a series of events more glorious 
than any that ever adorned the page of our history, afford 
at once an ample and satisfactory answer. But there is 
another general answer which we have uniformly given, 
and which would alone be sufficient: it is, that we did 
not enter into this war for any purpose of ambition ; our 
object was not to acquire, but to preserve; and in this 
sense, what we have gained by the war is, in one word, 
all that we should have lost without it: it is the preser- 
vation of our constitution, or independence, our honor, 
our existence as a nation. In the same manner I might 
answer the question with respect to Ireland; I might 
enumerate the general advantages which Ireland would 
derive from the effects of the arrangements to which I 
have already referred — the protection which she will se- 
cure to herself in the hour of danger. The most effec- 
tual means of increasing her commerce and improving 
her agriculture, the command of English capital, the in- 
fusion of English manners and English industry, neces- 
sarily tending to ameliorate her condition, to accelerate 
the progress of internal civilization, and to terminate 
those feuds and dissentions which now distract the coun- 
try, and which she does not possess within herself, the 
power either to control or to extinguish. She would 
see the avenue to honors, to distinctions, and exalted 
situations in the general seat of empire, opened to all 
those whose abilities and talents enable them to indulge 
an honorable and laudable ambition. But, independent 
of all these advantages, 1 might also answer, that the 
question is not what Ireland ought to gain, but what she 
is to preserve. Those blessings, of which it has long 
been the aim of France, in conjunction with domestic 
traitors to deprive her, and on their ruins to establish 
(with all its attendant miseries and horrors) a jacobin re- 
public, founded on French influence, and existing only in 
subserviency to France. Mr. Pitt proceeded to adduce 
particular reasonings of the Irish chancellor of the ex- 
chequer in 1785, founded upon imports and exports 
which that gentleman contended, made the propositions 
of that year so valuable to the Irish nation, that they 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 167 

could not hesitate about embracing the offer ; the right 
honorable gentleman then passed on to the objections 
stated to the measure. The first said he, is, that the 
parliament of Ireland is incompetent to entertain and dis- 
cuss the question, without having previously obtained the 
consent of the people of Ireland, their constituents. No 
man who maintains the parliament of Ireland to be co- 
equal with our own, can deny its competency on this 
question, unless he means to go the length of denying, 
at the same moment, the whole of the authority of the 
parliament of Great Britain, to shake every principle of 
legislation, and to maintain, that all the acts passed, and 
every thing done by parliament or sanctioned by its au- 
thority, however sacred, however beneficial, is neither 
more nor less than an act of usurpation. He must not 
only deny the validity of the union between Scotland and 
England, but he must deny the authority of every one of 
the proceedings of the limited legislature since the union; 
nay, Sir, he must go still further, and deny the authority 
under which we now sit and deliberate here as a house 
of parliament. This point, Sir, is of so much importance, 
that I think, I ought not to suffer the opportunity to pass, 
without illustrating more fully what I mean. If this 
principle of the incompetency of parliament to the de- 
cision of the measure be admitted, or if it be contended, 
that parliament has no legitimate authority to discuss 
and decide upon it, you will be driven to the necessity of 
recognizing a principle, the most dangerous that ever was 
adopted in any civilized state. I mean the principle, 
that parliament cannot adopt any measure new in its 
nature, and of great importance, without appealing to the 
constituent and delegating authority for directions. If 
we turn to Ireland itself, what do gentlemen think of the 
power of that parliament, which, without any fresh dele- 
gation from its protestant constituents, associates to itself 
all the catholic electors, and thus destroys a fundamen- 
tal distinction on which it was formed? what must be 
said by those who have at any time been friends to any 
plan of parliamentary reform, and particularly such as 
have been most recently brought forward, either in 
Great Britain or Ireland? Whatever may have been 
thought of the propriety of the measure, 1 never heard 



163.. THE LIFE OF A. 1799. 

any doubt of the competency of parliament to consider 
and discuss it. Yet I defy any man to maintain the prin- 
ciple of those plans, without contending that, as a mem- 
ber of parliament, he possesses a right to concur in dis- 
franchising those who sent him to parliament, and to se- 
lect others, by whom he was not elected, in their stead. 
I am sure that no sufficient distinction, in point of prin- 
ciple, can be successfully maintained for a single mo- 
ment; nor could I deem it necessary to dwell on this 
point, in the manner I do, were I not convinced that it 
is connected in part with false and dangerous notions on 
the subject of government which have lately become too 
prevalent in the world. It may, in fact, be traced to 
that gross perversion of the principles of all political so- 
ciety, which rests on the supposition that there exists 
continually in every government a sovereignty in abey- 
ance (as it were) on the part of the people, ready to be 
called forth on every occasion, or rather, on every pre- 
tence, when it may suit the purposes of the party or 
faction who are the advocates of this doctrine, to sup- 
pose an occasion for its exertion. It is in these false 
principles that are contained the seeds of all the misery, 
desolation and ruin, which, in the present day, have 
spread themselves over so large a proportion of the ha- 
bitable globe. These principles, Sir, are, at length, so 
well known and understood in their practical eifects, that 
they can no longer hope for one enlightened or intelli- 
gent advocate. No society, whatever be its particular 
form, can long subsist, if this principle is once admitted. 
In every government there must reside somewhere a su- 
preme, absolute, and unlimited authority. This is 
equally true of every form of government that ever has 
existed. In all governments that power may by possi- 
bility be abused, but whether the abuse is such as to 
justify and call for the interference of the people collec- 
tively, or more properly speaking, of any portion of it, 
must always be an extreme case, and a question of the 
greatest and most perilous responsibility, not in law on- 
ly, but in conscience and duty, to all those who either 
act upon it themselves, or persuade others to do so. 
But no provision for such a case ever has been or can be 
ir.ade beforehand; it forms no chapter in any known 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 169 

code of laws, it can find no place in any system of hu- 
man jurisprudence. But, above all, if such a principle 
can make no part of any established constitution, not 
even of those where the government is so framed, as to 
be most liable to the abuse of its powers, it will be pre- 
posterous indeed to suppose that it can be admitted in 
one where those powers are so distributed and balanced, 
as to furnish the best security against the probability of 
such an ubuse. Shall that principle be sanctioned as a 
necessary part of the best government, which cannot be 
admitted to exist even as an established check upon the 
worst! Yet, Sir, I know not how it is, that, in propor- 
tion as we are less likely to have occasion for so despe- 
rate a remedy, in proportion as a government is so 
framed as to provide within itself the best guard and 
control on the exercise of every branch of authority, to 
furnish the means of preventing or correcting every 
abuse of power, and to secure by its own natural ope- 
ration, a due attention to the interest and feelings of 
every part of the community, in that very proportion 
persons have been found perverse enough to imagine, 
that such a constitution admits and recognizes, as a part 
of it, that which is inconsistent with the nature of any 
government, and above all, inapplicable to our own. I 
have said more, Sir, upon this subject than I should 
have thought necessary, if I had not felt that this false 
and dangerous mockery of the sovereignty of the people 
is in truth one of the chief elements of Jacobinism, one 
of the favorite impostures to mislead the understanding, 
and to Hatter and inflame the passions of the mass of 
mankind, who have not the opportunity of examining 
and exposing it, and that, as such, on every occasion, 
and in every shape in which it appears, it ought to be 
combated and resisted by every friend to civil order and 
to the peace and happiness of mankind. 

Sir, the next, and not the least prevalent objection, 
is one which is contained in vvprds which are an appeal 
to a natural and laudable, but what I must call an erro- 
neous and mistaken, sense of national pride, it is an ap- 
peal to the generous and noble passions of a nation easi- 
ly inflamed under any supposed attack upon its honor, I 
mean the attempt to represent the question of an union 



170 THE LIFE OF A. 1799. 

by compact between the parliaments of the two kingdoms, 
as a question involving the independence of Ireland. It 
has been said, that no compensation could be made to 
any country for the surrender of its national indepen- 
dence. Do they mean to maintain that in any humilia- 
ting, in any degrading sense of the word, that at any 
time when the government of any two countries unite in 
forming one more extensive empire, that the individuals 
who composed either of the former narrow societies are 
afterwards less members of an independent country, or 
to any valuable and useful purpose less possessed of po- 
litical freedom or civil happiness than they were before ? 
It must be obvious to every gentleman who will look at 
the subject, in tracing the histories of all the countries, 
the most proud of their present existing independence of 
all the nations in Europe, there is not one that could ex- 
ist in the state in which it now stands, if that principle 
had been acted upon by our fore-fathers; and Europe 
must have remained to this hour in a state of ignorance 
and barbarism, from the perpetual warfare of indepen- 
dent and petty states. Will any man in general assert, 
that in all the different unions which have formed the 
principal states of Europe, their inhabitants have be- 
come less free, that they have had less of which to 
be proud, less scope for their own exertions, than they 
had in their former situation. If this doctrine is to be 
generally maintained, what becomes of the situation at 
this hour of any one county of England, or of any one 
county of Ireland, now united under the independent 
parliament of that kingdom? If it be pushed to its full 
extent, it is obviously incompatible with all civil society. 
As the former principles of the sovereignty of the peo- 
ple strikes at the foundation of all governments, so this 
is equally hostile to all political confederacy, and man- 
kind must be driven back to what is called the state of 
nature. But while I combat this general and abstract 
principle, which would operate as an objection to every 
union between separate states, on the ground of the sa- 
crifice of independence, do I mean to contend that there 
is, in no case, just ground for such a sentiment? Far 
from it; it may become, on many occasions, the first 
duty of a free and generous people. If there exists a ' 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 171 

country which contains within itself the means of milita- 
ry protection, the naval force necessary for its defence, 
which furnishes objects of industry sufficient for the sub- 
sistence of its inhabitants, and pecuniary resources ade- 
quate to maintaining with dignity the rank which it has 
attained among the nations of the world; if, above all, it 
enjoys the blessings of internal content and tranquillity, 
and possesses a distinct constitution of its own, the de- 
fects of which, if any, it is within itself capable of cor- 
recting, I can, indeed, well understand that such a coun- 
try must be jealous of any measure, which, even by its 
own consent, under the authority of its own lawful go- 
vernment, is to associate it as a part of a larger and more 
extensive empire. But, Sir, if, on the other hand, it 
should happen that there be a country, which, against 
the greatest of all dangers that threatens its peace and 
security, has not adequate means of protecting itself 
without the aid of another nation; if that other be a 
neighbouring and kindred nation, speaking the same lan- 
guage, whose laws, whose customs and habits are the 
same in principle ; but carried to a greater dergee of per- 
fection, with a more extensive commerce, and more abun- 
dant means of acquiring and diffusing national wealth ; 
the stability of whose government — the excellence of 
whose constitution, is more than ever the admiration and 
envy of Europe, and of which the very country of which 
we are speaking can only boast an inadequate and im- 
perfect resemblance; under such circumstances, I would 
ask, what conduct would be prescribed by every rational 
principle of dignity, of honor, or of interst? I would ask, 
whether this is not a faithful description of the circum- 
stances which ought to dispose Ireland to a union ? 
Whether Great'Britain is not precisely the nation with 
which, on these principles, a country situated as Ireland 
is, would desire to unite? Does a union, under such cir- 
cumstances, by free consent, and on just and equal terms, 
deserve to be branded as a proposal for subjecting Ire- 
land to a foreign yoKe? Is it noi rather the tVee and vo- 
luntary association of two great countries, which join, 
for their common benefit, in one empire, where each 
will retain its proportional weight and importance, under 
the security of equal laws, reciprocal affection, and in- 



m THE LIFE OF A. 179?, 

separable interests, and which want nothing but that in- 
dissoluble connection to render both invincible? 
JVon ego nee leucris Italos fiarere jubebo 
J\ r ec nova regno, fieto ; paribus se legibus a?nba 
Invicta gentes eterna infeecUra mittant. 

Mr. Pitt then canvassed the objection of the removal 
of the seat of government and the decrease of population, 
which he refuted by the example of Scotland, and con- 
cluded perhaps the finest speech he ever made, whether 
it be considered for extent of knowledge, strength of ar- 
gument, or brilliancy of expression, by moving his string 
of resolutions — which proposed an union under the name 
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland — 
that the crown shall continue under the same limitations 
—that one parliament to consist of a number to be fixed 
on the part of Ireland, should represent the united king- 
dom — that the religious establishment should be the 
same — that England and Ireland should trade upon an 
equal footing — the payment of the sinking fund shall be 
separately defrayed — that all expenses shall be jointly- 
defrayed according to propositions established previous 
to the union, and that the laws and jurisdiction shall re- 
main, these formed the basis of the settlement in which 
the house expressed themselves ready to concur, and 
which they trusted, after full and mature consideration 
would be concluded. The leading opponents in the 
British parliament were, in their respective houses, Mr. 
Sheridan and Lord Moira; and the ground on which 
they principally rested was the declared disapprobation 
of the Irish house of commons. Both houses of British 
parliament concurred in approving Mr. Pitt's proposition 
of union, and, in an address to the kin^, requesting his 
majesty to communicate to Ireland their views and re- 
solutions. The king accordingly instructed the viceroy 
to lay the proffers and proceedings of the British before 
the Irish parliament. 

The farther parliamentary proceedings of the session, 
chiefly regarded external defence and internal tranquil- 
lity. The supplementary militia were continued on the 
same footing as in the former years, and the suspension 
of the habeas corpus continued. Mr. Wilberforce re- 
newed his motion for the abolition of tlie slave trade, 



A. 1799. WILLIAM PITT. 173 

but his effprts were again unavailing: parliament was 
prorogued on the 12th of July. The campaign of 1799, 
in Germany, commenced fortunately, Jourdan being 
forced to retreat across the Rhine. In Italy, every thing 
yielded to the Russian General Suwarrow. The armies 
of Scherer, Macdonald and Joubert were successively 
routed, and nothing remained to the French, but the 
small territory of Genoa. The king of Naples was re- 
placed upon his throne by Admiral Nelson, and Captain 
Trowbridge being sent towards Rome with a small force, 
the Roman territory was evacuated by the republicans. 
In Switzerland, affairs were not so successful. The 
Russians under Korsakow were severely beaten, and the 
approach of the victorious Suwarrow alone enabled him 
to face the enemy. The French harbors were mean 
while in a state of blockade — the disastrous expedition 
to Holland sailed in August of this year — the surrender 
of the Dutch fleet, and the subsequent evacuation of 
North Holland by the British, are of too recent a date to 
need further recital. The situation of affairs on the 
continent, caused a short meeting of parliament, at so 
early a season as the month of September. The object 
of this extraordinary convocation was to pass a law for 
extending the voluntary service of the militia, while the 
regular forces were employed on the expedition, and 
also to vote some pecuniary supplies on account of the 
unforeseen expenses. The projected bill respecting the 
militia, permitted three-fifths of that body to enlist into 
such corps of regulars as his majesty should appoint; 
each volunteer to receive ten guineas to serve in Europe 
only, and to continue attached to the corps in which he 
first entered. The bill, being accompanied with nu- 
merous regulations concerning the mode of its execution, 
underwent considerable opposition, as tending to diminish 
by donative the constitutional and patriotic force of the 
militia, and to increase the standing army dependent on 
the crown. The object of Mr. Pitt had uniformly been 
(his opponents said) to extend the influence and authority 
of the monarchical branch of the constitution beyond its 
due and salutary bounds, the objections, though strongly 
urged, were, by a great majority of the house, deemed 
futile ; and the bill was passed into a law. The supplies 

a 



174 THE LIFE OF A. 1799, 

granted at present amounted to between six and seven 
millions, including two millions five hundred thousand 
to be raised by exchequer bills. Bills were also passed 
for granting relief to West India merchants, and for 
supporting commercial credit. These were the chief 
acts of this session, which lasted only from the 24th of 
September, till the 12th of October. 

Towards the close of this year Buonaparte escaped 
from Egypt to France, and a change was effected in the 
government by which he became first consul. His first 
act was to offer peace to England, the offer was rejected 
upon the ground of the instability of the French govern* 
ment. The consul renewed his application by means of 
a letter from Talleyrand to Lord Grenville.* — The reply 
of the British government was the same. 

* William Wyndham Grenville, now Lord Grenville, is 
the son of* the late George Grenville, well known for the conspi- 
cuous part he took in those measures which led to the separation 
of the colonies from the mother country. While a youth he was 
acknowledged to be very promising in talents, and age has not 
falsified these presages. 

His first public situation was that of secretary to his brother the 
Marquis of Buckingham, when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. A 
few months after his return from that country, he was in the) ear 
1783, appointed paymaster general of the army, in the room of 
Mr. Burke. In 1 789 he succeeded Mr. Cornwall as speaker of 
the house of commons. A few months afterwards, he was ap- 
pointed secretary of state for the home department, which he held 
till 1791, when he was removed to the more important station of 
the foreign department, the functions of which, he discharged 
with uncommon ability during the whole of the difficult and 
eventful period of the French Revolution. 

Lord Grenville retired with the dissolution of Mr. Pitt's ad- 
ministration in 1801. He was one of those who violently opposed 
the measure of peace, and most of the prominent acts of Mr. 
Addington's ministry. 

The scheme of a broad bottom administration having failed, he 
refused, as inconsistent with his previous stipulation to Mr. Fox 
and his party, to enter into the one formed by Mr. Pitt. But 
though he did not support, he rarely attacked the measures of 
his friend. 

His opposition was perhaps more guarded, discriminate, and 
respectful, than that of any other of the old political friends of the 
premier. 

On the death of Mr. Pitt, Lord Grenville was appointed first 
Lord of the Treasury, with the dignity of Premier. 



A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. ITS 

Parliament met on the 2d of February, 1800. The 
papers relative to the negotiation were submitted to the 
house. Upon this occasion, and in reply to Mr. Erskine, 
Mr. Pitt made one of his most able speeches. He en- 
larged on the origin of the war, and recapitulated all the 
acts of the French aggression upon the different powers 
in the world, in a strain of the most splendid eloquence, 
and drew a picture of the state of France under all its 
successive forms of government, down to the present 
revolution. Having taken a view of what it was, said 
Mr. Pitt, let us now examine what it is. — In the first 
place we see, as has been truly stated, a change in the 
description and form of the sovereign authority. The 
various institutions, republican in appearance, have given 
way to the absolute power of one man, and differing from 
other monarchs only in tins, that he wields a sword in- 
stead of a sceptre. What then is the confidence we are 
to derive either from the frame of the government, or 
from the character and past conduct of the person who 
is now the absolute ruler of France ? Are we talking of 
a stranger of whom we have heard nothing? No, Sir; 
we have heard of him; we, and Europe, and the world, 
have heard both of him and of the satellites by whom he 
is surrounded. Would it have been possible for minis- 
ters to discharge their duty, in offering their advice to 
their sovereign, without taking into their account the re- 
liance to be placed on the disposition and the principles 
of the person, on whose disposition and principles the 
security to be obtained by treaty must, in the present 
circumstances, principally depend? What opinion, then, 
■are we led to form of the pretensions of the Consul to 
those particular qualities for which, in the official note, 
his personal character is represented to us, as the surest 
pledge of peace? We are told this is his second attempt 
at general pacification. Let us see, for a moment, how 
this attempt has been conducted. We thought fit to 
decline altogether the proposal of treating, under the 
present circumstances; but, at the same time, we ex- 
pressly stated, that, whenever the moment for treaty 
should arrive, we would in no case treat, but in conjunc- 
tion with our allies. What was the proposal contained 
in his last note ? — To treat for a separate peace betweea 



176 THE LIFE OF A. 1800. 

Great Britain and France. Such was the second attempt 
to effect general pacification ; a proposal for a separate 
treaty with Great Britain. What had been the first? — 
The conclusion of a separate treaty with Austria. This 
very treaty of Campio Formio was ostentatiously profes* 
sed to be concluded with the emperor, for the purpose 
of enabling Buonaparte to take the command of the army 
of England, and to dictate a separate peace with this 
country on the banks of the Thames. He sent his two 
confidential friends, Berthier and Monge, charged to 
communicate to the directory this treaty of Campio For- 
mio, they used on this occasion, the memorable words, 
4t The kingdom of Great Britain and the French republic 
cannot exist together" So much for his disposition to- 
wards general pacification ; let us look next at the part 
he has taken in the different stages of the French revo- 
lution, and let us then judge whether we are to look to 
him, as the security against revolutionary principles. 
When the constitution of the third year was established 
under Barras, that constitution was imposed by the arms 
of Buonaparte, then commanding the army of the Tri- 
umvirate in Paris. To that constitution he then swore- 
fidelity. How often he has repeated a similar oath I 
know not; but twice, at least, we know that he has not 
only repeated it himself, but tendered it toothers, under 
circumstances too striking not to be stated. The house 
cannot have forgotten the resolution of the 4th of Sep- 
tember, which produced the dismissal of Lord Malmes- 
1)ury from Lisle. How was the resolution procured? It 
was procured chiefly by the promise of Buonaparte, (in 
the name of his army) decidedly to support the directory 
in those measures which led to the infringement and 
violation of every thing that the authors of the constitu- 
tion of 1795, or its adherents, could consider as funda- 
mental. Immediately before this event, in the midst of 
the desolation and bloodshed of Italy, he had received 
the sacred present of new banners from the directory; 
he delivered them to his army with this exhortation: — 
i( Let us swear, fellow soldiers, by the manes of the pa- 
triots who have died by our side, eternal hatred to the 
enemies of the constitution of the third year." That 
very constitution which he soon after enabled the direc- 



A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 177 

tory to violate, and which, at the head of his grenadiers, 
he has now finally destroyed. That oath was again re- 
newed, in the midst of that very scene to which I have 
last referred; the oath of fidelity to the constitution of 
the third year was administered to all the members of 
the assembly then sitting, (under the terror of the bayo- 
net) as the solemn preparation for the business of the 
day; and the morning was ushered in with swearing at- 
tachment to the constitution, that the evening might 
close with its destruction. If we carry our views out of 
France, and look at the dreadful catalogue of all the 
breaches of treaty, all the acts of perfidy at which I have 
only glanced, and which are precisely commensurate with 
the n timber of treaties made by the republic (for I have 
sought in vain for any one which it has made, and which 
it has not broken); if we select those which have been 
accompanied by the most atrocious cruelty, and marked 
the most strongly with the characteristic features of 
the revolution, the name of Buonaparte will be found 
allied to more of them than that of any other that can be 
handed down in the history of the crimes and miseries 
of the last ten years. His name will be recorded with 
the horrors committed in Italy, in the memorable cam- 
paign of 1796 and 1797, in the Milanese, in Genoa, in 
Madeira, in Tuscany, in Rome, and in Venice. His en- 
trance into Lombardy was announced by a solemn pro- 
clamation, issued on the 27th of April, 1796, which ter- 
minated with these words: " Nations of Italy ; the French 
army is come to break your chains, the French are the 
friends of the people in every country, your religion, 
your property, your customs, shall be respected;" this 
was followed by a second, in nearly the same words, to 
fulfil the solemn pledge respecting property, this very 
proclamation imposed on the Milanese a provisional con- 
tribution to the amount of twenty millions of livres; and 
successive exactions were afterwards levied on that single 
state to the amount, in the whole, of near six millions 
sterling. The regard to religion and to the customs of 
the country, was manifested with the same scrupulous 
fidelity. — The churches were given up to indiscriminate 
plunder. Every religious and charitable fund, every 
public treasure was confiscated. The country was made 
0.2 



179 THE LIFE OF A. 1800. 

the scene of every species of disorder and rapine. The 
priests, the established form of worship, all the objects 
of religious re vererice, were openly insulted by the French 
troops; at Pavia, particularly, the people flew to arms, 
surrounded the French garrison, and took them prison- 
ers, but carefully abstained from offering any violence 
to a single soldier. In revenge for this conduct, Buona- 
parte, then on his march to iViincio, suddenly returned, 
collected his troops, and carried the extremity of milita- 
ry execution over the country. He burnt the town of 
Benasco, and massacred eight hundred of its inhabitants ; 
he marched into Pavia, took it by storm, and delivered 
it over to general plunder, and published, at the same 
moment, a proclamation, of the 26th of May, ordering 
his troops to shoot all those who had not laid down their 
arms, and taken an oath of obedience, to burn every vil- 
lage where the tocsin should be sounded, and to put its 
inhabitants to death. The transactions with Modena 
were on a smaller scale, but in the same character ; Buo- 
naparte began by signing a treaty, by which the Duke 
of Modena was to pay twelve millions of livres, and neu- 
trality was promised him in return ; this was soon fol- 
lowed by the personal arrest of the Duke, and by a fresh 
extortion. Nearly at the same period, in violation of the 
rights of neutrality, and of the treaty which had been 
concluded between the French republic and the grand 
Duke of Tuscany, in the preceding year, and in breach 
of a positive promise given only a few days before, the 
French army forcibly took possession of Leghorn, for 
the purpose of seizing the British property which was 
deposited there, and confiscating it as prize ; and shortly 
after, when Buonaparte agreed to evacuate Leghorn in 
return for the evacuation of the island of Elba, which 
was in possession of the British troops ; he insisted upon 
a separate article, by which it was stipulated, that the 
grand duke should pay the expense which the French 
had incurred by this invasion of his territory. 

In the proceedings towards Genoa, we shall find not 
only a continuation of the same system of extortion and 
plunder, but a striking instance of the revolutionary 
means employed for the destruction of independent go- 



A. 1800, WILLIAM PITT, 179 

vernments. A French minister was at that time resi- 
dent at Genoa, which was acknowledged by France to be 
in a state of neutrality and friendship; in breach of this 
neutrality, Buonaparte began, in the year 1796, with the 
demand of a loan; he afterwards, from the month of 
September, required and enforced the payment of a 
monthly subsidy, these exactions were accompanied by 
repeated assurances of friendship; they were followed) 
in May, 1797. by a conspiracy against the government, 
fomented by the emissaries of the French embassy, and 
conducted by the partisans of France ; encouraged, and 
afterwards protected by the French minister. The con- 
spirators failed in their first attempt; overpowered by 
the courage and voluntary exertions of the inhabitants, 
their force was dispersed, and many of the number were 
arrested. Buonaparte instantly considered the defect of 
the conspirators as an act of aggression against the 
French republic; he dispatched an aide-de-camp, with an 
order to the senate of this independent state; first, to 
release all the French who were detained ; secondly, to 
punish those who had arrested them; thirdly, to declare 
that they had no share in the insurrection ; and fourthly, 
to disarm the people. Several FYench prisoners were 
immediately released, and a proclamation was preparing 
to disarm the inhabitants, when, by a second note, Buo- 
naparte required the arrest of the three inquisitors of 
state, and immediate alterations in the constitution; he 
accompanied this with an order to the French minister 
to quit Genoa, if his commands were not immediately 
carried into execution ; at the same moment his troops 
entered the territory of the republic, and shortly after the 
councils, intimidated and overpowered, abdicated their 
functions. Three deputies were then sent to Buonaparte 
to receive from him a new constitution; on the 6th of 
June, after conferences at Montebello, he signed a con- 
vention, or rather issued a decree, by which he fixed the 
new form of their government ; he himself named, pro- 
visionally, ail the members who were to compose it, and 
he required the payment of seven millions of livres, as 
the price of the subversion of their constitution and their 
independence. These transactions require but one short 



180 THE LIFE OF A. 1800. 

comment ; it is to be found in the official account given 
of them at Paris, which is in these memorable words; 
" General Buonaparte has pursued the only line of con- 
duct which could be allowed in the representative of a 
nation, which has supported the war only to procure the 
solemn acknowledgment of the right of nations, to change 
the form of their government. He contributed nothing 
towards the revolution of Genoa, but he seized the first 
moment to acknowledge the new government, as soon 
as he saw that it was the result of the wishes of the 
people." It is unnecessary to dwell on the wanton at- 
tacks against Rome, under the direction of Buonaparte 
himself, in the years 1796 and 1797, which terminated 
first, by the treaty of Tolentino, concluded by Buona- 
parte, in which, by enormous sacrifices, the Pope was 
allowed to purchase the acknowledgement of his autho- 
rity, as a sovereign prince ; and secondly, by the viola- 
tion of that very treaty and the subversion of the Papal 
authority by Joseph Buonaparte, accompanied by out- 
rages and insults towards the venerable pontiff, which 
even to a protestant, seemed hardly short of the guilt of 
sacrilege. 

But of all the disgusting and tragical scenes which 
took place in Italy, in the course of the period I am de- 
scribing, those which passed at Venice, are perhaps the 
most striking, and the most characteristic : In ^Jay, 
1796, the French army under Buonaparte, in the full tide 
of its success against the Austrians, first approached the 
territories of this republic, which, from the commence- 
ment of the war, had observed a rigid neutrality. Their 
entrance on these territories was as usual, accompanied 
by a solemn proclamation in the name of tfieir general 
— " Buonaparte to the republic of Venice. " " It is to de- 
liver the finest country in Rurojie from the iron yoke of the 
house of Austria, that the French army has braved obstacles 
the most difficult to surmount. Religion, government, cus- 
toms, and profierty, shall be res/iected." This proclama- 
tion was followed by exactions similar to those which had 
been practised against Genoa, by the renewal of similar 
professions of friendship, and the use of similar means 
to excite insurrections. At length, in the spring of 1797, 



A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 181 

occasion was taken from disturbances thus excited, to 
forge, in the name of the Venetian government, a procla- 
mation, hostile to France ; and this proceeding was made 
the ground for military execution against the country, 
and for effecting by force trie subversion of the ancient 
government and the establishment of the democratic 
forms of the French revolution. This revolution was 
sealed by a treaty, signed in May, 1797, between Buona- 
parte and commissioners appointed on the part of the 
new and revolutionary government of Venice. By the 
second and third secret articles of this treaty, Venice 
agreed to give as a ransom, to secure itself against all 
farther exactions or demands, the sum of three millions 
of livres in money, the value of three millions more in 
articles of naval supply, and three ships of the line ; and 
it received in return the assurances of the friendship and 
support of the French republic. Immediately after the 
signature of this treaty, the arsenal, the library, and the 
palace of St. Marc, were ransacked and plundered, and 
heavy additional contributions were imposed upon its in- 
habitants : and, in not more than four months afterwards, 
this very republic of Venice, united by alliance to France, 
the creature of Buonaparte himself, from whom it had 
received the present of French liberty, was by the same 
Buonaparte transferred under the treaty of Campio For- 
mio, to " that iron yoke of the proud house of Austria," 
to deliver it from which he had represented in his first 
proclamation, to be the great object of all his operations. 
From hence we will follow Buonaparte and his army, 
which proceeded to Egypt. The attack was made in the 
name of the French king, whom they had murdered; 
they pretended to have the approbation of the Grand 
Seignior, whose territories they were violating; their 
project was carried on under the profession of a zeal for 
Mahometanism; it was carried on by proclaiming that 
France had been reconciled to the Mussulman faith, had 
abjured that of Christianity, or as he, in his impious lan- 
guage, termed it of the sect of the Messiah. — The only 
plea which they have since held out to colour this atro- 
cious invasion of a neutral and friendly territory is, that 
it was the road to attack the English power in India- 



182 THE LIFE OF A. 1800. 

This attack against Egypt was accompanied by an attache 
upon the British possessions in India, made on true re- 
volutionary principles. To India, the lovers of peace had 
sent the messengers of Jacobinism for the purpose of in- 
culcating war in those distant regions, on Jacobin princi- 
ples, and of forming Jacobin clubs, which they actually 
succeeded in establishing, and which, in most respects, 
resembled the European model, but which were distin- 
guished by this peculiarity, that they were required to 
swear, in one breath, hatred to tyranny, the love of liber- 
ty, and the destruction of all kings and sovereigns, ex- 
cept the good and faithful ally of the French republic,*" 
CITIZEN T1PPOO. 

This memorable expedition into Egypt, which I men- 
tion, not merely because it forms a principal article in 
the catalogue of those acts of violence and perfidy in 
which Buonaparte has been engaged; not merely be- 
cause it was an enterprize peculiarly his own, of which 
he was himself the planner, the executor and the betray- 
er; but chiefly because when from thence he retires to 
a different scene, to take possession of a new throne, 
from which he is to speak upon an equality with kings 
and governors of Europe, he leaves behind him, at the 
moment of his departure, a specimen which cannot be 
mistaken, of his principles of negotiation, I mean the 
intercepted correspondence. He expressly enjoins his 
successor, strongly and steadily to insist in all his inter- 
course with the Turks, that he came to Egypt with no 
hostile design, and that he never meant to keep posses- 
sion of the country ; while, on the opposite page of the 
same instructions, he states in the most unequivocal 
manner, his regret at the discomfiture of his favorite 
project of colonizing Egypt, and of maintaining it as a 
territorial acquisition. It is unnecessary to say more 
with respect to the credit due to his professions, or the 
reliance to be placed on his general character. 

But it will, perhaps, be argued, that he has now an in- 
terest in making and observing peace. That it is his inte- 
rest to negotiate, I do not indeed deny ; it is his interest 
above all to engage this country in separate negotiation, 
in order to loosen and dissolve the whole system of the 



A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 133 

confederacy on the continent, and then either to break 
off his separate treaty, or if he should have concluded 
it, to apply the lesson which is taught in his school of 
policy in Egypt; and to revive, at his pleasure, those, 
claims of indemnification which may have been reserved 
to some happier period. Under all these circumstances 
of his personal character, and his newly acquired power, 
what other security has he for retaining that power but 
the sword? His hold upon France is the sword, and he 
has no other. He is a stranger, a foreigner and an usurp- 
er; he unites in his own person every thing that a pure, 
republican must detest; every thing that an enraged Ja- 
cobin has abjured ; every thing that a sincere and faith- 
ful royalist must feel as an insult. If he is opposed at 
any time in his career, what is his appeal ? He appeals 
" to his fortune ;" in other words, to his army and his 
sword. Placing, then, his whole reliance upon military 
support, can he afford to let his military renown pass, 
away, to let his laurels wither, to let the memory of his 
trophies sink in obscurity ? Do we believe that, after the 
conclusion of peace, he would not still sigh over the lost 
trophies of Egypt, wrested from him by the celebrated 
victory of Aboukir, and the brilliant exertions of that 
heroic band of British seamen, whose influence and ex- 
ample rendered the Turkish troops invincible at Acre? 
Can he forget, that the effect of these exploits enabled 
Austria and Russia in one campaign to efface, by their 
success, the most dazzling triumphs of his victories and 
desolating ambition ? Can we believe, with these impres- 
sions on his mind, that, if after a year, eighteen months, 
or two years of peace had elapsed, he should be tempt- 
ed, by the appearance of fresh insurrection in Ireland, 
if we were at such a moment without a fleet to watch 
the ports of France, without a disposable army, he had 
suddenly the means of transporting thither a body of 
twenty or thirty thousand French troops? Can we be- 
lieve, that at such a moment his ambition and vindictive 
spirit would be restrained by the obligation of a treaty? 
Or, if ia some new crisis of difficulty and danger to the 
Ottoman empire, with no British navy in the Mediter- 
ranean, no confederacy formed, an opportunity should 



184 THE LIFE OF A. 1800. 

present itself for resuming the abandoned expedition to 
Egypt, for renewing the avowed and favorite project of 
conquering and colonizing that rich and fertile country, 
and of opening the way to wound some of the vital in- 
terests of England, and to plunder the treasures of the 
East, in order to fill the bankrupt coffers of France? 
Would it be the interest of Buonaparte, under such cir- 
cumstances, or his principles, his moderation, his love 
of peace, his aversion to conquest, and his regard for the 
independence of other nations — would it be all, or any 
of these that would secure us against an attempt which 
•would leave us only the option of submitting without a 
struggle to certain loss or disgrace, or of renewing the 
contest which he had prematurely terminated, without 
allies, without preparation, with diminished means, and 
with increased difficulty and hazard? 

Mr. Pitt then entered at great length into the nature 
of the present French constitution. We have been ask- 
ed in the course of this debate — do you think you can 
impose monarchy upon France, against the will of the 
nation ? 1 never thought it, I never hoped it, I never wish- 
ed it; but as a sincere lover of peace, I will not sacrifice 
it by grasping at the shadow when the reality is not sub- 
stantially within my reach — Cur igitur fiacemnolo? Quia 
irijida est, quia jiericulosa, quia esse non potest. An ad- 
dress highly approving the rejection of the offers was 
voted by a great majority. 

Perseverance in the war being still determined, subsi- 
dies were voted to the emperor, the elector of Bavaria, 
and other powers of the empire. The income tax was 
continued; and, including a vote of credit, there was a 
loan of twenty-one millions. A motion for an inquiry 
into the expedition to Holland was made, but it was re- 
jected by a great majority. The union between Great 
Britain and Ireland underwent an ample discussion in 
both houses of the Irish parliament, and was adopted 
by a great majority in both houses. The time of its 
commencement was finally determined to be fixed on the 
1st of January, 1 80 1 , being the first day of the nineteenth 
century. The suspension of the habeas corpus was, af- 
ter a considerable discussion, continued. Provisions be- 



A. 1800. WILLIAM PITT. 185 

ing during this session uncommonly high, attracted the 
attention of parliament. Mr. Pitt, on the soundest prin- 
ciples of political economy, sanctioned by the authority 
of the ablest writers, had abstained from all interference 
in the corn-market; the legislature confined its atten- 
tion to the contrivance of substitutes, and diminution of 
consumption. Mr. Pitt, from a detailed view of the 
price of provisions during the whole contest, argued, 
that if the scarcity had arisen from the war, the increase 
would have been progressive; whereas the prices in 
1796, 1797 and 1798 had been as low as in peace, and 
the rise had not taken place till 1799 : and was obviously 
imputable to the wet, late and unproductive harvest. In 
consequence of Hadfield's attempting the king's life, and 
repeated instances of insanity being directed against a 
personage whose safety was so dear and important to 
the state, two additional clauses were added to the insa- 
nity bill, providing more especially for the personal 
safety of the sovereign. Parliament was prorogued on 
the 29th of July. 

The campaign of this year was terminated by the 
peace between France and Austria, as the consequence 
of Buonaparte's victories. The British reduced Malta — ■ 
the convention of El-Arish, by which the French gene- 
ral Kleber agreed to evacuate Egypt, was concluded by 
Sir Sydney Smith — this was not however ratified by the 
British government; Curracoa in the West Indies was 
captured. In Britain the year 1800 was chiefly distin- 
guished by the exorbitant price of the necessaries of 
life. This dreadful evil, during the summer, was borne 
with meritorious patience; when harvest commenced, 
the prices fell with considerable rapidity upwards of one- 
fourth, but in September bread again rose, and in the 
manufacturing towns riots began, especially at Birming- 
ham ; thence they reached London, but were quelled 
without the actual use of arms. The proposal of treating 
for peace was now made from the chief consul, through 
Mr. Otto. The French proposal for a naval armistice 
being rejected by the English government, and their con- 
tre-/iroj/-t prohibiting all means of defence from being 
conveyed into the island of Malta, or any of the ports of 
R 



186 THE LIFE OF A. 1801. 

Egypt, and providing for the discontinuance of the block- 
ade at Brest, Toulon and other French ports,. and the re- 
moval of the ships of war in those ports to any other na- 
tion, being dissented to by the French, the negotiation 
was broken off. A separate peace, though the chief con- 
sul would have acceded to the Inglish contre-firojet, as 
the preliminary, was soon after, as heretofore, rejected. 
The last British parliament met on the 10th of Novem- 
ber, 1800, in order to dispatch the most urgent business 
previous to the meeting of the united legislature. The 
subjects which chiefly occupied their attention were, the 
overtures for a peace with the French republic, the high 
price of provisions, and the immediate supplies for the 
national service. The opponents of ministry endeavored, 
as in the former year, to charge the scarcity to the ac- 
count of the war, but ministers still continued to resist 
this allegation. In the discussion upon the negotiation, 
a great majority in parliament approved highly of the re- 
solution of government not to conclude a separate peace, 
the supplies required were voted, the British parliament 
was prorogued towards the end of December, and the 
united parliament of Great Britain and Ireland met for 
the first time on the 2d of January, 1801. 

It was about this time that the northern confederacy 
began to shew itself. Denmark and Sweden had been 
often engaged in contraband traffic with France, and been 
detected by the vigilance of the British cruizers. The 
emperor of Russia, irritated by the jealousy of Austria, 
"had now taken an inveterate hatred to that power and 
G. Britain, and had joined with the Dane and the Swede 
in an armed neutrality, similar to that of the year 1780. 
There had been much discussion between the British 
and the northern courts, and his majesty's speech noti- 
ced the convention between the northern powers, and his 
own efforts to repel their aggressions. The address being 
moved, Mr. Grey entered at large into the subject, and 
proposed an amendment. On this occasion Mr. Pitt's 
reply was severely sarcastic. I must confess, sir, said 
he, that the manner in which the honorable gentleman 
has treated every part of this subject, has really filled me 
with astonishment, both when 1 consider the general plan 



A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 187 

of his speech, and the particular statements into which 
he went in support of his argument. In following the 
order which he took, I must begin with his doubts and 
end wkh his certainties; and I cannot avoid observing, 
that the honorable gentleman was singularly unfortunate 
upon this subject, for he entertained doubts where there 
was not the slightest ground for hesitation, and he makes 
up his mind to absolute certainty upon points in which 
both argument and fact are decidedly against him. Up- 
on the justice of our claim, the honorable gentleman 
states himself to be wholly in doubt. There is, sir, in 
general, a degree of modesty in doubting that conciliates 
very much; and a man is seldom inclined to bear hard 
upon an antagonist whose attack does not exceed the li- 
mits of a doubt. But, sir, when a gentleman doubts that 
which has been indisputably established for more than a 
century — when he doubts that which has been an ac- 
knowledged principle of law in all the tribunals of the 
kingdom, which are alone competent to decide upon the 
subject, and which parliament has constantly known them 
to act upon — when he doubts principles which the ablest 
and the wisest statesmen have uniformly adopted — I say, 
sir, the doubt that calls in question principles so esta- 
blished, without offering the slightest ground for so do- 
ing, shews a great deal of pert presumption, which as of- 
ten as modesty leads to scepticism. There are two ways 
in which this subject is to be considered: the first is, 
what has been the general law of nations upon this sub- 
ject, independent of any particular treaties which may 
have been made. The next is, how far any precise trea- 
ties affect it. With respect to the law of nations, we 
know that the principle upon which we are now acting 
has been universally admitted, except in cases where it 
has been restrained or modified by particular treaties be- 
tween different states. And here I must observe, that 
the honorable gentleman has fallen into the same error 
which constitutes the great fallacy in the reasoning of 
the advocates for the northern powers: namely, that 
every exception from the general law by a particular 
treaty, proves the law to be as it is stated in that treaty; 
whereas the very circumstance of making an exception 



Id* THE LIFE OF A. 1801. 

by treaty, proves what the general law of nations would 
be if no such treaty were made to modify or alter it. But 
what will the honorable gentleman say, if I give to him 
this short answer, that with every one of the three north- 
ern powers with whom we are at present in dispute, in- 
dependent of that law of nations, of our uniform prac- 
tices, and of the opinions of our courts, we have the 
Strictest letter of engagements by which they are bound 
to us? — What will he say, if I shew that their present 
conduct to us is as much a violation of positive treaties 
with us, as it is of the law of nations? Mr. Pitt here 
quoted the facts to which he alluded. But then the ho- 
norable gentleman says, " we do not know the precise 
terms of the present treaty, and therefore we ought to 
take no steps until we are completely apprized of its con- 
tents." How far would the honorable gentleman push 
bis argument? Will he say, that we ought to wait quiet- 
ly for the treaty, that we ought to take no step until we 
had read it paragraph by paragraph ? Are we to wait 
till we see the article itself, until we see the seal to the 
contract of our destruction, before we take any means to 
insure our defence? 

Sir, I will not trouble the house any longer upon the 
question of right; I come now to the expediency. The 
question is, whether we are to permit the navy of our 
enemies to be supplied and recruited — whether we are 
to suffer blockaded forts to be furnished with warlike 
stores and provisions — whether we are to suffer neutral 
nations, by hoisting a nag upon a sloop, or a fishing boat, 
to convey the treasures of South America to the harbours 
of Spain, or the naval stores of the Baltic to Brest or Tou- 
lon? 1 would ask, sir, has there been any period since 

we have been a naval country, in which we have not act- 
ed upon this principle? The honorable gentleman talks 
of the destruction of the naval power of France; but does 
he really believe that her marine would have been de- 
creased to the degree that it now is, if, during the whole 
of the war, this very principle had not been acted upon ? 
If the fraudulent system of neutrals had not been pre- 
vented, her navy would have been in a very different si- 
tuation from that in which it now is. Does he not know 



A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 189 

that the naval preponderance which we have by these 
•means acquired, has given security to this country, and 
has more than once afforded chances for the salvation of 
Europe ? 

Mr. Pitt then went on to refute the charges against 
ministers in Mr. Grey's speech, and a majority of 183 
approved the conduct of administration. — In the month 
of February, Mr. Pitt unexpectedly resigned, and on the 
16th he thus assigned his reasons. " When I took the li- 
berty of stating, that the insinuations thrown out by an 
honorable gentleman this night were unfounded, my idea 
was, alluding to that charge, that I had not suggested 
any rumours injurious to my sovereign, to whom I am, 
perhaps, more than any other man in his dominions, 
bound by gratitude, duty and affection. In saying this, 
however, I did not mean to say that the ground assigned 
by rumour was not the ground of my resignation, much 
less did I decline any explanation. But it is somewhat a 
new doctrine, that a man cannot, consistently with his 
duty, resign a high and responsible situation, without giv- 
ing all the reasons which determined him on that line of 
conduct. Where this system of duty is established, I 
know not. I have never heard that is was a public crime 
to retire from office without explaining the reason. I 
therefore am not aware how it can be a public crime in 
me to relinquish, without assigning the cause, a station 
which it would be the ambition of my life, and the pas- 
sion of my heart to continue to fill, if I could do so with 
advantage to my country, and consistently with what I 
conceive to be my duty. As to the merits then of the 
question which led to my resignation, though I do not 
feel myself bound, I am willing to submit them to the 
house. I should rather leave it to posterity to judge of 
my conduct; still I have no objection to state the fact:— 
I, and some of my colleagues in office, did feel it an in- 
cumbent duty upon us to propose a measure on the part 
of government, which, under the circumstance of the 
union so happily effected between the two countries, we 
thought of great public importance, and necessary to 
complete the benefit likely to result from that measure: 
we felt this opinion so strongly, that when we met with 
K2 



190 THE LIFE OF A. 1801. 

circumstances which rendered it impossible for us to pro- 
pose it as jr measure of government, we felt it equally in- 
consistent with our duty and our honor any longer to re- 
main a part of that government. What may be the opi- 
nion of others, I know not, but I beg to have it understood 
to be a measure which, if I had remained in government, 
I must have proposed. What my conduct will be in a 
different situation must be regulated by a mature and 
impartial review of all the circumstances of the case. I 
shall be governed (as it has always been the wish of my 
life to be) only by such considerations as I think best 
tend to insure the tranquillity, the strength, and the hap- 
piness of the empire." 

Having thus traced Mr. Pitt through his long career 
of ministerial duties, it remains for us to view him in the 
less active and responsible condition of a member of the 
house of commons. In the new administration, Mr. Ad- 
dington* was the inheritor of Mr. Pitt's honors, and it 

* Henry Addington, recently created Viscount Sidmouth, 
is the son of an eminent physician, and was born about the year 
1756. At a proper age he was sent to Cheam school, where he 
remained some time. Afterwards, he was removed to Winches- 
ter, and finally entered at Cambridge. 

Dr. Addington had long been the most intimate friend of the 
celebrated Lord Chatham, which led to an early connection be- 
tween their sons. We accordingly find the names of William 
Pitt and Henry Addington registered at the same period as 
members of Lincoln's inn, and if we be rightly informed, they had 
previously lived in habits of close familiarity at the University. 

We do not know whether Mr. Addington was called to the 
bar. If he were, it is certain that he very soon abandoned the 
profession to follow the career of his friend, who, with unexampled 
rapidity, was advancing to the first offices of the state. The re- 
sult justified the wisdom of the resolution, for at once he was 
drawn up to consequence. # 

In the house of commons, he took an active part with an uniform 
adherence to the course of Mr. Pitt, whose way to the summit of 
power he smoothed rather by an oily eloquence than a tran- 
scendant oratory. On the elevation of Mr. Pitt, as minister of 
the country, he was appointed a Lord of Trade and Plantations, 
but a more lucrative and honorable situation awaited him. When 
Mr. now Lord Grenville, was ennobled and made secretary of 
state for foreign affairs, Mr. Addington succeeded him, in oppo- 
sition to Sir Gilbert Elliot, now Lord Minto, as speaker of the 



A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 191 

was understood that he was in some sort recommended 
by Mr. Pitt, and that he expected Mr. Pitt's support. 
Previous to that gentleman's quitting the treasury, he 
produced the estimate of supply and the ways and means, 
the former including a loan of 23,400,0001. The taxes 
were laid on tea and sugar, upon paper a duty often per 
cent additional, and various other articles. — Inquiries 
were proposed into the expedition to Ferrol and Cadiz, 

house of commons, and thus became the most dignified com- 
moner of the realm. 

While Mr. Addington was distinguishing himself in the speak- 
er's chair, by the impartiality with winch he regulated the debates, 
and the order and decorum with which he conducted the public 
business, an event no less sudden than extraordinary occurred, 
which produced a very material change in his situation. The 
event to which we allude was the resignation of Mr. Pitt and his 
colleagues, a proceeding of a very ambiguous nature, and which 
has never been sufficiently explained. After some little delay, 
the effect of the king's illness, Mr. Addington was nominated 
chancellor of the exchequer, and first lord of the treasury. The 
new ministry now turned their attention to the termination of the 
bloody, destructive, and expensive war in which the country was 
involved. Their efforts were successful. — Of the wisdom of the 
measure, or of the particular merits or demerits of the treaty of 
Amiens, we shall be silent. 

During the short halcyon season of peace, if little were done to 
strengthen the confidence of the nation in his abilities, he at least 
by his mild and conciliatory conduct secured their respect and 
attachment. No minister, it is said, has ever enjoyed more of 
the private friendship of his sovereign than Mr. Addington.— 
When, however, the political sky began to thicken with the por- 
tentous appearances of new difficulties and dangers, he was called 
on by a distinct expression of the public voice, to surrender the 
helm to the " Pilot who had weathered the preceding storm." 
But it was found that he clung to it with more tenacity, and be- 
trayed a much greater fondness of command than from his seem- 
ingly "meek and lowly character,' 1 was to be expected. Being, 
at length, compelled to retire, by the union of the Pitt and Fox 
parties, he was occasionally seen in opposition to the measures of 
his former friend who had succeeded him ; but soon became re- 
conciled, and accepting, in the administration, the office of Presi- 
dent of the Council. 

He did not, however, long retain the situation: for having 
joined with those who had determined en the prosecution of Lord 
Melville, he resigned his place, and went over, once more, to the 
ranks of opposition. In thenev> ministrv, formed since the death 
of Mr. Pitt, he holds the inferior station of Lord of the Privy Seal. 



192 THE LIFE OF A. 1801. 

and also concerning the convention of EI-Arish, which, 
if observed by England, it was said might have prevent- 
ed the necessity of sending troops to Egypt; but all these 
motions were negatived by the usual very great majori- 
ties. — In the course of the session new regulations were 
made for encouraging the importation of wheat, Ameri- 
can flour and rice, to lessen the growing pressure of 
scarcity ; and on the first of July the house rose. 

In the sessions which immediately succeeded the 
change of ministers, we find Mr. Pitt the friend and sup- 
porter of Mr. Addington. — Mr. Pitt's speeches were 
short upon every occasion, and were principally in de- 
fence of the measures of his administration. 

On the opening of the session, on the 29th of Octo- 
ber, 1801, the speech from the throne announced the 
favorable conclusion of the negotiations begun in the last 
session of parliament. It expressed much satisfaction, 
that the differences with the northern powers had been 
adjusted, and that the preliminaries of peace had been 
ratified between us and the French republic. As the 
provision for defraying the expenses which must una- 
voidably be continued for some time, and maintaining an 
adequate peace establishment, could not be made with- 
out large additional supplies, all possible attention should 
be paid to such economical arrangements as might be 
consistent with the great object of security to his ma- 
jesty's dominions; and concluded with eulogiums on the 
naval and military operations of the last campaign, and 
the glorious issue of our expedition to Egypt. Mr. Pitt 
said but a few words, he w T as however on the side of ad- 
ministration. It was on this occasion that the Grenville 
party separated from their late friends, by openly de- 
claring their disapprobation of the peace. The discus- 
sion however was postponed till a future day. On the 
3d of November the debate came on. In the early part 
of it Mr. Pitt rose. He said, that upon a subject in itself 
of such importance, and one upon which it was unfortu- 
nately his lot to differ from some with whom it had been 
his happiness to have been connected by the strictest ties 
of friendship, for the greater part of his life, he was 
anxious to deliver his sentiments, before the attention of 



A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 193 

the house and his own powers should be exhausted by 
fatigue. 

Tor some time past, all rational, all thinking men, had 
concurred in an opinion, that whatever their wishes might 
have been, whatever hopes might at different periods of 
the war have been entertained, yet, that after the events 
which had taken place on the continent, the question of 
peace or war between Great Britain and France became 
a question of terms only. When he said that the ques- 
tion of peace or war between this country and France 
was a question of terms only, he wished to be under- 
stood, as being more anxious about the general complexion 
of the peace, as affecting the character of this country, for 
good faith, honor and generosity, than he was about any 
particular acquisition that might be made, or any speci- 
iic object that might be attained. For his own part, he 
had no hesitation to declare, that he would rather close 
with an enemy upon terms short even of the fair pre- 
tensions of the country, provided they were not inconsis- 
tent with honor and security, than continue the contest 
for any particular possession. He did not pretend to 
state to the house, that this peace fully answered all his 
wishes ; but the government had undoubtedly endeavored 
to obtain the U.st terms they could for the country; and 
he was ready to contend, that the difference between the 
terms we had obtained and those of retaining all we had 
given up. would not have justified ministers in protract- 
ing the war. The principle upon which administration 
acted, and in which he perfctly concurred with them, 
was, that in selecting those acquisitions which we wished 
to retain, it was our interest to endeavor to retain such 
as from their situation, or from other causes, were the 
best calculated for confirming and securing our ancient 
territories. The object which must naturally first pre- 
sent itself to every minister, must be to give additional 
vigor to our maritime strength, and security to our colonial 
possessions. It must be admitted by every man ac- 
quainted with the real interest of this country, that, com- 
pared with the East and West Indies, the Mediterranean 
is but a secondary consideration. In one point of view, 
he admitted that possessions in the Mediterranean were 
of importance to enable us to co-operate with any con- 



194 THE LIFE OF A. 1801. 

tinental powers with whom we might happen to be in 
alliance. When there was not a confederacy in our 
favor, this country, wiffc all its naval superiority, could 
not make any very serious efforts on the continent; yet, 
hi the case of such a confederacy, much undoubtedly 
would be done by the co-operation of the British navy in 
the Mediterranean. Upon this principle, he hoped the 
house would concur with him in thinking, that we ought 
not to insist upon retaining the island of Malta. The 
other possession which we had acquired, and upon the 
propriety of retaining which much had been said, was 
Minorca. With respect to this island, he perfectly con- 
curred in the opinion of his noble friend, (Lord Hawkes- 
bury) that it would always belong to the power who pos- 
sessed the greatest maritime strength. Upon these 
grounds, he, for one, would not have advised much to be 
given in another quarter, for the purpose of enabling us 
to retain Minorca, doubting, as he did, whether in time 
of peace it was worth the expense of a garrison. In turn- 
ing his attention to the East Indies, he certainly saw 
cause for regret, because the opinion he had been taught 
to entertain of the value of the Cape of Good Hope, was 
much higher than that expressed by his noble friend. 
But, thinking thus highly as he did of th?* Cape, he con- 
sidered it as far inferior indeed to Ceylon, which he 
looked upon to be, of all the places upon the face of the 
globe, the one which will add most to the security of our 
East India possessions. He now came to the conside- 
ration of our situation in the West Indies; and he was 
decidedly of opinion, that of all the islands which the for- 
tune of war had put into our hands in that quarter, Tri- 
nidad was the most valuable ; he should prefer it even to 
Martinico — undoubtedly as a protection to our leeward 
islands it was the better of the two ; but in point of in- 
trinsic value, Trinidad was the more important. — He 
would now trouble the house shortly upon the subject of 
our allies. With respect to the Porte, we had done 
every thing that we were bound to do— nay, more — we 
had compelled the French to the evacuation of Egypt, 
and had stipujated for the integrity of her dominions. 
There was another object which we had obtained — he 
meant the establishment of an infant power, viz. the Re- 



A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 195 

public of the Seven Islands, which would perhaps have 
otherwise fallen under the dominion of France; this 
certainly was an acquisition of great importance for this 
country, not inferior perhaps to the possession of Malta 
itself. With regard to Naples, we were not bound to do 
any thing for her. She had even desired to be released 
from her engagements to us ; but she was compelled to 
this by an over-ruling necessity ; and the government of 
this country, in its conduct towards Naples, had only 
acted in conformity to its own interest, and that upon 
large and liberal grounds, in endeavoring to repair the 
fortunes of an ally who had given way only to force. 
"With regard to Sardinia, the same observations were 
applicable; for we were not bound to interfere for her, 
unless it was to be maintained, that we were to take upon 
ourselves the task of settling the affairs of the continent. 
He was ready to grant, that we ought to have claimed 
Piedmont for its sovereign; but could we have obtained 
it, unless we could have deposed the King of Etruria, 
gained the Cisalpine and Ligurian republics, and driven 
the French from the mountains of Switzerland? Unless 
we could have done all this, it would have been in vain 
to restore the king of Sardinia to his capital, surrounded 
as he would have- been by the French, and by their de- 
pendent and affiliated republics. As to Portugal, every 
body must lament her misfortunes. But if it was right 
in her to ask to be released from her engagements to 
us, and if it was right in us to consent to it, then clearly 
we were absolved from any obligation to her. It had 
been said, "You affect to guarantee the integrity cf Por- 
tugal, but U is only after k ranee and Spain have taken 
every thing they wished for." But this again was not 
correct. The treaty of Badajoz certainly did not give to 
France all she desired, because France, by a subsequent 
treaty, extorts another cession of still greater importance 
to her. What happens then? Portugal has given ap 
this second portion of her territory by force, when you 
interfere and cancel the second treaty, and bring them, 
back to the stipulations in the first. To you, then, Por- 
tugal owes this difference in the limits of her South 
American empire ; and to her you have acted not only 
with good fakn, but with dignified liberality. The only 



19* THE LIFE OF A. 1801. 

remaining ally was the Prince of Orange: from our an- 
cient connections, from our gratitude for the services of 
the House of Orange at the period of the revolution, 
from his connection with our sovereign, we could not but 
take a lively interest in his fate, and we had shewn it by 
our conduct. 

On the present occasion his interests had not been 
neglected; we did interfere for him; and we were told, 
that his interests were at that time the subject of nego- 
tiation, and that he would receive an indemnity. Thus 
stood the case with regard to our acquisitions and to our 
allies. But it had been said, that we ought to have ob- 
tained more ; that we ought to have obtained something 
to balance the great increase of power which France had 
acquired ; that we have given France the means of in- 
creasing her maritime strength, and, in short, that we 
have signed the death-warrant of the country. Now, in 
the first place, if we had retained all our conquests, it 
would not have made any difference to us in point of 
security ; would these acquisitions have enabled us to 
counterbalance the power which France had acquired on 
the continent ? they would only give us a little more 
wealth; but a little more wealth would be badly pur- 
chased by a little more war; he should think so, even if 
we could be sure that one year's more war would give it 
to us, particularly when it was recollected how many 
years we had now been engaged in this contest. In 
speaking, however, about our resources, he would take 
upon himself to state, (and he hoped the house would 
give him credit for some knowledge upon the subject) that 
if any case of necessity should arise, or if our honor should 
require another contest, we were far, very far indeed, 
from the end of our pecuniary resources, which, he was 
happy to say, were greater than the enemy, or even the 
people of this country themselves had an idea of. Allu- 
sions had been made to former opinions and language; 
upon this subject he should only say, that peace having 
been restored between England and France, forbearance 
of language, and terms of respect, were proper; but it 
would be affectation and hypocrisy in him to say, that 
he had changed, or could change, his opinion of the 
character of the person presiding in France, until he 






A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. 197 

saw a train of conduct which would justify that change. 
The great object of the war on our part was security. 
In order to obtain it, we certainly did look for the sub- 
version of that government which was founded upon re- 
volutionary principles. We never at any one period said, 
that, as a sine qua won, we insisted upon the restoration 
of the old government of France ; we only said, there 
was no government with which we could treat — this was 
our language up to 1796; but in no one instance did we 
ever insist upon restoring the monarchy, though he 
did not hesitate to acknowledge, that it would have been 
more consistent with the wishes of the nation, and with 
the interest and security of this country. He was equally 
ready to confess, that he had given up his hopes with 
the greatest reluctance ; and he should, to his dying day, 
lament that there were not, on the part of the other pow- 
ers of Europe, efforts corresponding to our own, for the 
accomplishment of that great work. There were peri- 
ods, during the continuance of the war, in which they 
had hopes of being able to put together the scattered 
fragments of that great and venerable edifice, to have 
recalled the exiled nobility of France, to have restored 
a government, certainly not free from defects, but built 
upon sober and regular foundations, instead of that mad 
system of innovation which threatened, and had nearly 
accomplished the destruction of Europe. When this be- 
came unattainable he gave up his hopes; but we had the 
satisfaction of knowing, that we had survived the violence 
of the revolutionary fever, and we had seen the extent 
of its principles abated : — We had seen Jacobinism de- 
prived of its fascination ; we had seen it stripped of the 
name and pretext of liberty; it had shewn itself to be 
capable only of destroying, not of buiiding, and that it 
must necessarily end in a military despotism; he trusted 
this important lesson would not be thrown away upon the 
world. He could not agree with those gentlemen who 
seemed to think that France had grown so much stronger 
than ourselves. When the immense acquisitions which 
France had made were taken into consideration on the 
one hand, it was but fair, on t-ie other, to consider what 
*he had lost in population, in commerce, in capital, and 
in habits of industry ; the desolation produced by convul- 
S 



198 THE LIFE OF A. 1801, 

sions, such as France had undergone, could not be re- 
paired even by large acquisitions of territory. When he 
took into consideration the immense wealth of this coun- 
try^ and the natural and legitimate growth of that wealth, 
so much superior to the produce of rapacity and plun- 
der, he could not but entertain the hope, founded in jus- 
tice and in nature, of its solidity. This hope was strength- 
ened by collateral considerations, when he looked to the 
great increase of our maritime power, when he contem- 
plated the additional naval triumphs that we had obtain- 
ed, when he regarded the brilliant victories of our armies 
gained over the flower of the troops of France; troops 
which, in the opinion of many, were invincible — when 
he reflected upon these glorious achievements, though 
he could not but lament our disappointments in some ob- 
jects, he had the satisfaction of thinking, that we had 
added strength to our security, and lustre to our national 
character. But there were two important events which 
had given the greatest consolidation to our strength; he 
alluded to the destruction of the power of Tipnoo Sul- 
taun in India. It had frequently been observed, that great 
clangers frequently produced in nations of a manly cast 
of mind, great and nobie exertions : so when the most 
unparalleled danger threatened the sister kingdom, the 
feelings of a common cause between the people of both 
countries had enabled them to evercome prejudices, some 
of them perhaps laudable, and all of them deep-rooted, 
and led to that happy union, which adds more to the 
power and strength of the British empire, than all the 
conquests of one and indivisible France do to that coun- 
try. These were consolations which he wi sired to recal 
to the recollection of those who entertained gloomy ap- 
prehensions about the strength and resources of Great 
Britain. If any additional proofs were wanting to prove 
her ability, to protect her honor and maintain her inte- 
rest, let gentlemen look to the last campaign, and they 
would see Great Britain contending against a powerful 
confederacy in the North ; they would^see her fighting 
for those objects at once in Egypt and in the Baltic, and 
they would see her successful in both. We had shewn 
that we were ready to meet the threatened invasion a. 
fcorne, and could send troops to triumph over the French 



A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 199 

on the barren sands of Egypt, before a man could escape 
from Toulon to reinforce their blocked-up army ; we had 
met the menaced invasion by attacking France on her 
own coasts; and we had seen those ships which were 
destined for the invasion of this country moored and 
chained to their shores, and finding protection only in 
their batteries. These were not only sources of justifi- 
able pride, but grounds of solid security. We must de- 
pend for our security only upon ourselves; but if the 
views of France correspond with our own, we had every 
prospect of enjoying a long peace. He saw some symp- 
toms that they were, though upon this he had no certain 
knowledge, but he would never rely upon personal cha- 
racter for the security of his country. He was inclined 
to hope every thing that was good, but he was bound to 
act as if he feared otherwise. 

During the remainder of the session Mr. Pitt spoke 
very little in the house. He continued on the side of ad- 
ministration, who also derived much support from the 
adherents of Mr. Fox. Lord Grenville and his party 
were now as decidedly their enemies. On the 25th of 
June, 1802, parliament rose. Ministers were popular 
not less from the circumstance of peace being concluded 
under their auspices, than from the well founded belief 
which every where existed of their moderate views, their 
strict economy and their unsullied integrity. No event 
of importance occurred during this year, but the decree 
of the French government, which created Buonaparte 
Consul for life, and the consequent change in the French 
constitution. 

Early in the year 1803, Col. Despard and his traitor- 
ous associates were brought to trial. The British mi- 
nistry seemed to be well acquainted with the hostile in- 
tentions of Buonaparte, though no symptoms of a breach 
was manifested till the month of March, except an in- 
creased naval and military establishment. Not long af- 
ter the session commenced, an overture was made by- 
Mr. Addington, first to admit Mr. Pitt to an equal share 
of power with himself, nominating Lord Chatham as the 
ostensible prime minister; and finding this not satisfac- 
tory, it is said, Mr. Addington voluntarily proposed to 
reinstate Mr. Pitt in his former offices, and to accept, 



700 THE LIFE OF A. 1803. 

himself, a subordinate employment. Mr. Pitt, however, 
it is asserted, declined, unless he had a carte blanche, al- 
lowing him the sole nomination of every member of the 
cabinet; such a proposal was deemed unreasonable by 
the other party, and the negotiation terminated. In 
March two messages from his Majesty were delivered 
to parliament, which formally announced the great pre- 
parations in the enemy's ports, and the discussions which 
were pending between the English and French govern- 
ments. In May these discussions terminated unfavora- 
bly, and the respective ambassadors were recalled. The 
papers relative to the causes of the rupture were imme- 
diately submitted to both houses. On the 23d of this 
month an address to the king being moved, Mr. Pitt de- 
livered his opinions, in reply to Mr. Erskine, at great 
length. He said, that upon the justice and necessity of 
the grounds on which we were compelled to enter into 
the war, he thought it almost impossible that the house 
should be unanimous. In those transactions which had 
most immediately produced our present situation, the 
learned gentleman himself (Mr. Erskine) appeared, not- 
withstanding some doubts which he had thrown out on 
particular points, to admit, upon the whole, that there 
was such clear evidence of views of aggression and hos- 
tility on the part of France, as justified this country in 
retaining Malta for its own security. This he maintain- 
ed to be the first great point on which the question 
turned ; and he contended that the whole of Sebastiani's 
report, and the circumstances of his mission to Egypt, 
the express and deliberate avowal by Buonaparte him- 
self, of his views and intentions in a formal conference 
with Lord Whitworth, and the information of the same 
intentions through the official channel of the minister for 
foreign affairs, afforded the clearest and most indisputa- 
ble evidence, that the first Consul had formed the deter- 
mination, even while Malta was yet in our hands, of re- 
suming his hostile projects against Egypt ; that the pur- 
suit of such a project was an undeniable act of hostility 
against this country, and aimed at some of its most im- 
portant interests; that it was, besides, a direct violation 
both of the letter and spirit of the treaty of Amiens it- 
self, under pretence of which treaty alone our evacua- 



A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 201 

tion of that island was demanded. With respect to the 
avowal of his design by the first Consul himself, he re- 
ferred to Lord Whitworth's account, in his dispatch of 
the 2 I st of February, which took place by the express 
appointment of the first Consul — that it was therefore 
evidently prepared and deliberate. In the course of this 
conversation, the first Consul did not attempt to disguise 
his ultimate views upon Egypt; and in a subsequent con- 
versation with M. Talleyrand, it was expressly admitted 
that the acquisition of Egypt had been, and still was, a 
favorite object of the first Consul. To all the evidence 
founded on these several documents, he had heard but 
one argument proposed — the improbability of the French 
government thus disclosing its views, if it really enter- 
tained them. He thought, however, that the difficulty 
of accounting for the disclosure was removed, by refer- 
ring to the new and peculiar policy which had marked 
the conduct of France from the very beginning of the 
revolution. Where any measure was in contemplation 
more flagrant and atrocious than another, instead of care- 
fully concealing it tiil the moment of execution, it had, 
on the contrary, been studiously announced before hand; 
that the object of this policy had been gradually to fa- 
miliarize men's minds to that which at first they could 
scarcely even believe, and that their schemes, which, in 
the first instance, were received with horror, and would 
have been opposed with indignation, came afterwards to 
be contemplated with neglect and indifference; and, in 
the end, such as it was hopeless and impossible to resist. 
He therefore put it to the house, whether, after having 
observed this practice, it was impossible for us to be so 
credulous and childish, as to act on the belief that Buo- 
naparte would abandon the projects he had formed, only 
because he had himself told us lie would persist in them, 
and he wished the house to consider what was to be our 
future conduct, if, after all the warnings given us, we 
were now to surrender Malta out of our hands, and the 
attack upon Egypt were to follow in six or in twelve 
months afterwards. If the question were closed here, 
Pitt observed, that for the reasons he had given, he 
was prepared to maintain, that on these grounds alone 
the war was both just and necessary, and such as ought 



20fc THE LIFE OF A. 1803 

to call forth the utmost exertions of the parliament and 
the nation in its support. But so far was this from being 
the case, that there were not any one of the leading 
transactions subsequent to the treaty of Amiens, to which 
his majesty's declaration referred, which was not, in his 
opinion, as far as justice was concerned, a clear and evi- 
dent cause of war, and "such as would have been acted 
upon, if there were sufficient means of co-operation on 
the continent, in almost every period of the history of 
this country. He here alluded to the annexation of Pied- 
mont, to the transaction respecting the German indem- 
nities, where the French government, with an arrogance, 
he believed, unprecedented in the history of Europe, had 
presumed to dictate to all Germany the detailed mode 
of arranging those indemnities — to the violence offered 
to Switzerland, on which he thought it the less neces- 
sary to dwell, because he believed the conduct of France 
towards that unfortunate and devoted country had ex- 
cited one universal sentiment of detestation— and lastly, 
to the continuance of the French armies in Holland. Af- 
ter dwelling on these points, it was impossible to contend 
that they were not symptoms of that deliberate system 
of ambition and encroachment which had been thus uni- 
formly pursued towards others, and which was now di- 
rected to a quarter where it immediately affected our 
separate interests, and was in direct violation of the treaty 
with this country itself. He here drew a strong picture 
of the continued and rapid succession of the acts of vio- 
lence and oppression which, during his period, had de- 
solated so many of the countries of Europe ; and after 
comparing the irresistible force and overwhelming pro- 
gress of French ambition, to those dreadful convulsions 
of nature, by which provinces and kingdoms were con- 
sumed and buried in ruins, he asked whether we could 
contemplate those scenes of havoc and destruction, with- 
out reflecting how soon that torrent of liquid fire might 
direct its ravages against ourselves? Having closed his 
review of what had passed on the continent, he would 
next refer to two points which appeared in the corres- 
pondence. The hrst was the demand which had been 
made by the French government, respecting the re- 
straints on the liberty of the press, and the expulsion of 



A. 1303. WILLIAM PITT. SOS 

the French emigrants now remaining in the country. 
On this it was unnecessary to enlarge, because the in- 
solence of the proposition was sufficiently felt, and be- 
cause it had been at the time resisted by his majesty's 
ministers, on grounds which were stated with great 
force and ability in one of the papers on the table. The 
second point related to the commercial agents; the in- 
dignity and outrage which attended their mission, was 
one of which it was difficult to speak with composure. 
The French government had made a formal proposition 
lo send persons of this description, who had never been 
found necessary even when a commercial treaty subsist- 
ed, at a time when not only there was no such treaty, 
but when, as appears from the papers on the table, the 
commercial intercourse of his majesty's subjects with 
France was suffering every degree of violence and op- 
pression. 

This proposition had naturally and wisely been re- 
fused. The French government then proceeded clan- 
destinely to send these agents in the train of their am- 
bassadors; and not content with this breach of the law 
of nations, they afterwards addressed to them instruc- 
tions, under the official character in which they had re- 
ceived admittance; and the object of these instructions 
was to direct them to take measures, in time of peace, 
for ascertaining the soundings of ports, and for obtaining 
military information of districts; acts for which they 
would have been hanged as spies in time of war. He 
maintained, therefore, that all these indignities and in- 
sults, as well as the encroachments and violences of 
which he had before been speaking, on the continent, 
must enter deeply into our consideration in judging of the 
character and ultimate views and policy of our enemy. 
They must decisively confirm us in the resolution to em- 
ploy, without hesitation, the most vigorous and deter- 
mined resistance ; he felt convinced that there never was 
an occasion on which it more clearly became the indis- 
pensible duty of parliament to concur with his majesty 
in the declaration of the necessity and justice of the war 
in which we were engaged, and to assure him of firm 
and effectual support. But in giving these assurances, 
h& trusted that other gentlemen felt impressed with the 



201 THE LIFE OF A. 1803. 

same sense which he did of the awful importance of the 
engagement into which they were preparing* to enter, 
and that they considered those assurances not as formal 
words of ceremony or custom, but as a solemn and de- 
liberate pledge on behalf of themselves and the nation 
whom they represented. ■ For his own part, although he 
regarded the war as a war of necessity, and one which 
we could not decline without surrendering both our se- 
curity and our honor, he should enter upon it with little 
hopes of ultimate success, if these sentiments were not 
deeply impressed on the minds of parliament and the 
people. The scale of our exertions could not be mea- 
sured by those of former times, or confined within the 
limits even of the great, and, till then, unexampled ef- 
forts of the last war. Some system far more vigorous 
and effectual than any even then adopted, would be found 
necessary, both in our finances and in the preparation 
"for national defence. He was persuaded, that it could 
only be by providing in the outset, means adequate to 
the whole extent of these purposes, that could ensure 
the best chance either of bringing the contest to a spee- 
dy conclusion, by convincing the enemy of our sufficien- 
cy to maintain it, or couid meet its continued exigencies, 
if necessary, without the annual recurrence of growing 
and accumulated embarrassments. We had not an op- 
tion at tliis moment between the blessings of peace and 
the dangers of war. From the fatality of the times, and 
the general state of the world, we must consider our lot 
as cast by the decrees of providence, in a time of peril 
and tiouble — he trusted the temper and courage of the 
nation would conform itself to the duties of that situation 
— we should be prepared collectively and individually to 
meet it with that resignation and fortitude, and, at the 
same time, with that active zeal and exertion, which, in 
proportion to the magnitude of the crisis, might be ex- 
pected from a brave and free people — and we should re- 
flect, even in the hour of trial, what abundant reason 
we have to be grateful to providence for the distinction 
we enjoy over most of the countries of Europe, and for 
all the advantages and blessings which national wisdom 
and virtu.; have hitherto protected, and which it now de- 
pends on perseverance in the same just and honorable 



A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 205 

sentiments, still to guard and to preserve. Such were 
the sentiments of Mr. Pitt upon the causes and conse- 
quences of the present war. 

The debate on Mr. Fox's motion for endeavouring to 
obtain the mediation of Russia, produced a very elo- 
quent speech from Mr. Pitt. He rejoiced, he said, to 
be able to agree with the honorable gentleman in his 
general principles, though he could not but remember 
there have been times when the honorable gentleman 
differed from him on the application of those principles, 
with a vehemence that looked very like an entire con- 
demnation of them; but far be it from me, said he, to 
enter upon those topics, to call forth difference of opi- 
nion, and to provoke former disputes. I allude to them 
to shew that the principles 1 now applaud are not new 
to me. My approbation of them is recorded in my past 
conduct. I am glad that the honorable gentleman has 
proclaimed them with so much precision and force; I 
hope they will have the benefit of his great authority, 
and the recommendation of his great talents (and great- 
er authority they cannot have) to remove objections 
which have sheltered themselves, perhaps, more than 
there was ground for, under his name, against all com- 
mon cause with the rest of Europe, and against sacri- 
ficing, in any circumstances, the least portion of British 
interests, for the balance and preservation of the conti- 
nent. But while I approve the principle of keeping a 
watchful eye upon the state of the continent, I do not 
mean that, on every occasion, upon every movement, 
we ought to interfere with continental affairs. All I say 
is, that no great convulsion which shall unhinge the es- 
tablished interests and dissolve former relations, can 
take place without involving consequences highly impor- 
tant to Great Britain. 

On the 3d of June, Mr. Patten* moved for a vote of 
censure against ministers. The debate had been pro- 
tracted to a great length, when Mr. Pitt rose. His 
speech seemed to imply, in some sort, a separation 
from the ministry — If I professed, said he, a full and 
clear opinion on the merits of the case, to the extent of 

♦Member from Newton, Lancashire* 



206 THE LIFE OP A. 1803. 

either directly negativing: or adopting the resolutions 
which have been proposed, 1 should, following the unbi- 
assed dictates of my conscience, <<ive my vote on that- 
side to which my judgment inclined. But to this ex- 
tent, either of approbation or of censure, I am unable 
to go. 

Those who, with me, have not made up their minds 
to the extent of censuring ministers by the adoption of 
the propositions, or approving their conduct by agreeing 
to a direct negative, must pursue some middle course. 
Impressed, as I am, with those feelings, I move that 
the other orders of the day be now read. Lord Hawkes* 
bury* made a most animated reply, in which he declared, 
that he should consider that he and his colleagues shrunk 
from their duty, could they accept such a compromise. 
Upon Mr. Pitt's motion being put, 56 divided with hira 
against 333. 

On the 6th of June, Mr. Pitt, in a debate on the mi- 
litia bill, expressed some uneasiness at the delay of mi- 
nisters in bringing forward their measures. He applaud- 
ed every desire which ministers could manifest to labour 
with perseverance, to consider of the best means for the 
safety of the state ; " but," said he, " do it effectually ; 
and to do it effectually, you must do it soon. The ques- 
tion now is, will you save your country? Save it in the 
best and most prudent way, if you can; but save it! if 
any prejudice should arise against you — if any tempora- 
ry odium should attach to your measures — if it be for the 
safety of the country, or for its honor, pursue it — pur- 
sue it although you may have to contend with prejudice 
—pursue it, although you may have to encounter odium 
— pursue it, even although you may have to subdue re- 
sistance! Do it! for the country must be saved 1" On 
the 23d of June, Mr. Pitt again spoke in support of mi- 
nistry, upon the army of reserve bill. The session ter- 
minated on the 12th of August. 

The events of the year 1803, were stamped with 
great importance. The commencement of hostilities 
was accompanied by insurrection in Ireland. This was, 
however, soon put down by the mild but vigorous me** 

* Eldest son of the Earl of Liverpool, 



A. 1803, WILLIAM PITT. 207 

sures of Mr. Addington's government. The operations 
of the war were principally carried on in the West. St. 
Lucie was taken by general Grinfield and Commodore 
Hopd; Tobago capitulated, Demarara, Essequibo and 
Berbice, (Dutch settlements) were captured; St. Pierre 
and Miquelon were also taken; and finally. General 
Rochambeau and 8000 men, together with two frigates 
and some other vessels lying in one of the harbours of 
St. Domingo, surrendered. Two line of battle ships 
had just before struck to the British flag. 

Parliament met on the 22d of November, 1803. The 
debates on the 9th of December, on the army estimates, 
embraced the whole subject of the general defence of 
the country. Mr. Pitt entered at large upon the question. 
He undertook in a very spirited manner to support the 
efficacy of the volunteer establishment, and he proposed 
to confine himself strictly to the subject then before the 
committee, the number and the formation of the different 
descriptions of military force which had been provided for 
the defence of the empire. He defended the propriety of 
establishing a large volunteer force, and affirmed that the 
opinion of parliament, repeatedly and distinctly expres- 
sed, fully justilied our having recourse toa great national 
force, independently of the regular army and the militia. 
He looked to the army as the great rallying point to 
which the volunteers must have recourse, by whose ex- 
ample tney must be regulated, by whose experience they 
must be guided. But those corps, he conceived, might 
be improved and matured to such a degree of perfection 
as would enable government to employ a large propor- 
tion of the regulars abroad. Of the amount of the volun- 
teer force he saw no reason to complain. In their dis- 
tribution, he could have wished that the numbers had 
been greater in the more exposed parts of the maritime 
x:oast. For he was decidedly of opinion that a smaller 
number of men who could oppose the enemy immediate- 
ly on their landing, and almost before they could ascend 
the beach, would be much more serviceable than a much 
larger number after the enemy had obtained a footing in 
the country. Mr. Put stated, that the object he had 
more immediately in view, was to render this force an 
efficient and permanent army. He was apprehensive 



20S THE LIFE OF A. 1803. 

that the estimates contained no adequate provision for 
giving them a greater degree of discipline, system and 
improvement. For this object he was desirous, that all 
volunteer companies should be brought to act in bat- 
talions, and whenever it could be done, in brigades. He 
also proposed to give to every battalion the assistance of 
a field officer and an adjutant; such officers still retain- 
ing their rank and pay in the army. With respect to 
the number of days, which the corps should be exercised, 
he was of opinion, that about fifty days would be suffi- 
cient for the next year, and forty for each succeeding 
year, if the house should agree with him in opinion, that 
the appointment of field officers and adjutants should be 
adopted. Still the object he had in view could not be 
attained merely by the instruction of these officers, with- 
out some regulations to ensure punctual attendance, 
which would keep up the number of the volunteers, and 
give them the habits and steadiness of soldiers. Look- 
ing as we ought to look, to a protracted contest, we ought 
to provide the means of maintaining it for a length of 
time; we ought never to forget with whom we are con- 
tending ; if it were apprehended that the danger was 
withdrawn, the spirit of the volunteers might languish 
and moulder for a time, though it certainly would not be 
extinguished. It should be the great object of govern- 
ment to prevent that spirit from subsiding, lest the coun- 
try be called upon to meet the sudden but long meditated 
attack of the enemy. Perhaps something like the com- 
pulsory act of the last session might be adopted, during 
the war, in order to keep up the number anu the punc- 
tual attendance of the volunteers, and to preserve that 
subordination which is essential to progressive improve- 
ment. On the subject of the sea £ ncibles, Mr. Pitt ob- 
served, he should agree with his right honorable friend 
(Mr. Windham*) that if they were composed of a class 

* The Right Honorable William Windham, is a na- 
tive of Norfolk, and is descended Iron; a whig tunniy in that 
count)'. He was educated at Oxford, under the inspection of 
Winstanley, a most excellent scholar, now Provost of Aiban-hali, 
some of* whose preferments have been attributed to the gratitude 
of his pupil. After visiting the continent he returned home, and 
"being elected a member of parliament, strongly and emphatically 



A. 1803. WILLIAM PITT. 

of men liable to be impressed into his majesty's sea ser- 
vice, it would not only be an useless but an improper in- 



opposed the American war, joining his name on this occasion 
with the Foxes, the Savilles, and the Burkes of that day. 

His first appointment was in the character of secretary to the 
lord lieutenant of Ireland, a circumstance which is said to have 
produced a bon mot on the part of his friend Dr. Johnson ; but in 
consequence of a sudden change in the British Cabinet, both the 
viceroy and himself were recalled, so that his residence in Dub- 
lin was but of short duration. 

Mr. W. attached himself early in life to Mr. Fox, and was a 
warm and zealous supporter of the coalition administration. He 
also lived in great intimacy with Mr. Burke, and took part with 
him in the impeachment of Mr. Hastings. On the appointment 
of Mr. Pitt to the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, he warm- 
ly censured the conduct of that gentleman, as unconstitutional, 
and unfriendly to liberty. During the disputes relative to the re- 
gency, he was also in opposition to the then administration, and 
expressed himself with considerable warmth upon that subject. 
The contest relative to Nootka Sound, as well as the misunder- 
standing with Russia, about the possession of Oczakow, afforded 
inviting themes for the exercise of his eloquence, and the display 
of his irony. 

In 1798 he objected to the lottery bill of that year, having al- 
ways considered this species of gambling as highly destructive 
to the morals of the people ; and after remarking that it was the 
parent of a multitude of enormities, emphatically observed, " that 
the progress of an unfortunate criminal migbt'be easily traced, 
step by step, from the insurance office to the Old Bailey. AVere 
a committee appointed to inquire into the operations of it," he 
added, " they would trace it to the first floor, from that to the 
second— to the garret — to the pawn-broker's shop — to the courts 
of justice— to the gallows — to Bedlam — or to the workhouse." 

His conduct also, in respect to the slave trade, obtained con- 
siderable applause among its advocates, he having remarked, 
" that in a comparison between the possible consequences of the 
abolition, he saw doubtful contingencies, evils, or disadvantages, 
on one side — gross and scandalous injustice, shame and disgrace) 
on the other." 

The memorable event of the French revolution having nearlv 
dissolved all political connection, as well as thinned the mem- 
bers on the opposition bench, Mr. W. soon followed the example 
of Mr. Burke, and pledged himself in 1792 to oppose every mo- 
tion for parliamentary reform. He at the same time expressed 
his apprehensions, that there existed at that moment " a well ar- 
ranged plan for overturning the British constitution." 

In June 1793 he opposed the motion of Mr. Fox, respecting the 
termination of hostilities, and the restoration of the blessings of 

T 



210 THE LIFE OF A. 1803. 

stitution. But the main object for which they were em- 
ployed was to serve on board gun-boats, for which they 

peace; and finding- the administration closely pushed relative to the 
motives which had produced the contest, he very adroitly remarked 
"that he had yet to learn any rule by which a country was to be 
called upon at the beginning- of a war, to state definitively either 
what are its precise objects, or what the precise situation in 
which it ought to desist from it." He added, " that we had ex- 
pressly disavowed any intention to interfere for the purpose of 
establishing any particular form of government in France : but 
he at the same time conceived it to be the avowed purpose of the 
contest, to bring about the establishment of such a government 
in that country as we might safely treat with, and we were to 
prosecute the war until we could make peace with safety." 

His appointment to the honorable and confidential situation of 
Secretary at War procured a seat in the cabinet, and he now be- 
came one of the most constant as well as most able supporters of 
the administration of which he formed a part. 

Mr. Windham, like Mr. Burke, had always entertained and 
manfully avowed the opinion, that the emigrants ought to be per- 
mitted to arm in their own cause, and fight their own battles. 
They had insisted that policy as well as our interests required 
the most powerful support for the restoration of the house of 
Bourbon ; and whoever reflects for a moment on the astonishing 
eflbrts of the Vendeans, must confess that great advantage to 
the common cause was derived from their amazing numbers and 
occasional success. It was at perhaps too late a period of the 
contest that the cabinet reluctantly consented to the Quiberon 
expedition ; but even then, there can be but little doubt, that had 
the French nobles been supported by the army under Lord Moira, 
a very different result might have ensued. 

As Secretary at War, Mr. Windham became entitled to much 
praise; for he was daily to be met with, and exhibited an in- 
stance of facility of access that could not but prove highly grati- 
fying to every military man. 

On the opening of the last session of parliament, (January 15, 
1805) we find him vindicating the conduct of " his honorable 
friend" Mr. Fox, in respect to the period taken by him to urge 
the claims of the Irish Catholics ; after which he proceeded to 
notice the information conveyed in the King's speech, respecting 
the state of our continental connections, which he considered as 
scanty and incomplete. He did not oppose the address, but he 
was "rather afraid that the language conveyed something too 
much like an approbation of the rupture, even before the House 
were in possession of the documents necessary to form o« opi- 
nion." 

On the 8th of February, when the " Irish habeas corpus sus- 
pension bill" came under the notice of the Commons, Mr. Wind- 



A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. a 1-1 

were peculiarly qualified. In this point of view, he 
looked upon them as one of the most valuable parts of our 
force ; and this description of service brought into ac- 
tivity a body of men, who, being chiefly pilots and fisher- 
men, could neither be employed in the navy nor be per- 
manently taken from their families. Declining to enter 
into any wider field of discussion, Mr. Pitt concluded by 
stating, that, at the proper time, he should propose the 
resolutions to which he had alluded. In a subsequent; 
debate on the 27th of February, 1804, Mr. Pitt enforced 
his former arguments, but he manifested some discon- 
tent at the proposed measures ; he felt a conviction that 
much remained to be done, which the bills before the 

bam observed, "that a measure of this sort was not to be voted 
as a thing of course, like a malt tax, or any other annual money 
bill ; and he thought that a larger justification ought to be given 
for depriving, of so large a portion of its constitution, a people 
who had confided its legislature and its liberties to us — a confi- 
dence which deserved a care and gratitude very foreign to such 
monstrous proceedings as the one now proposed." 

Mr. Windham first obtained a seat for Norwich in 1784, and 
at the last general election once more stood as a candidate for 
that city. His birth and residence in the same county; the 
coincidence of opinion between him and a large body of the elec- 
tors added to the circumstance of ancient habits and friendships, 
it was thought would ensure his return; but at the close of the 
poll there appeared to be a majority against him. 

In the course of next day, a number of the friends and ad- 
herents of Mr. W. met at the Angel in Norwich, and, as has 
been said without his knowledge or concurrence, determined to 
propose and return him for the county. But some difficulty hav- 
ing occurred on the part of the adherents of Colonel Wodehouse, 
who had already declared himself a candidate, this was imme- 
diately obviated by that gentleman, who very handsomely relin- 
quished his pretensions in favor of Mr. Windham. 

On this, a subscription on a large scale, for the purpose of de- 
fraying the expenses, immediately took place, it being determined 
to bring up the voters free of all cost to the candidate. At Yar- 
mouth, no less than seven hundred freeholders volunteered them- 
selves under Sir Edmund Lacon, the mayor, and some of the 
principal gentlemen of the town ; but the contest was rendered in 
some respects unnecessary, by the intelligence that Mr. W. had 
been returned for St. Mawes, in Cornwall. 

Mr. Windham became secretary of state, for the colonial de- 
partment by the last change of administration. He succeeded 
the Right Honorable Lord Castlcreagh in this situation. 



2*3 THE LIFE OF A. 1804. 

house could not accomplish. He proposed bounties, fines, 
and other means of stimulus to the volunteers to under- 
take permanent duty for short periods, and to ensure at- 
tendance, and concluded by declaring- that it was not 
enough that our preparations were great — they ought to 
be complete. In the last reading of the bill, Mr. Pitt 
defended it against the proposition of an armed peasantry, 
to which he considered the volunteer force to be deci- 
dedly superior in a country like England, upon every 
possible ground of just comparison. 

From the occasional opposition which Mr. Pitt had 
made to government, it was now evident that he was 
dissatisfied with the general measures of Mr. Adding- 
ton's administration. A motion which he made in the 
month of March, for an inquiry into the state of our 
naval force, very fully discovered that this dissatisfaction 
was of no ordinary extent. He proposed a series of mo- 
tions for an address to his majesty, praying that he would 
be pleased to give orders for laying before the house a 
variety of documents relative to the state of our naval 
force in the years 1790, 1801, and 1803. When the 
description of the enemy's preparations was considered, 
he said, it might be supposed that the great object of the 
admiralty would have been to augment that kind of force 
which was most applicable to the peculiar circumstances 
of the empire, but it was not before the beginning of 
January, that any contract was entered into for building 
any portion of that description of force, and then only 23 
gun vessels were contracted for, of which five were to 
be completed at the end of nine months. Sensible that 
it was infinitely desirable to accelerate the actual service 
of every description of light force, it was his object, that 
an account of the orders issued by the admiralty for 
building these vessels should be laid before the house, 
specifying the terms of the contract and the time agreed 
on for its completion. If this paper should be produced, 
he should feel it his duty, on a future day, to move that 
an address be presented to his majesty, that he would be 
graciously pleased to give orders for using greater expe- 
dition in augmenting that species of naval force best cal- 
culated for meetu.g and resisting any attack of the ene- 
my, for guarding the narrow seas, am! for protecting the 



A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 213 

coasts of the country. In the course of the last war, the 
zeal and activity of the board of admiralty had augment- 
ed the number of ships of the line to one hundred and 
twenty. On the conclusion of peace, the permanent es- 
tablishment of the navy ought to have been a subject of 
the deepest interest; and the propriety of supplying suc- 
cessive augmentations should have formed a matter of 
uniform attention. There were two modes by which 
this subject might be effected: building in his majesty's- 
dock-yards and contracting for ships in the yards of pri- 
vate merchants. From the history of this country for a 
long series of years, it appeared that building ships of 
the line in the merchants' yards was generally resorted 
to. During the last war, no less than 26 sail of the line 
were added to the navy, of this number only two ships 
were laid down in the king's dock-yards after the war 
broke out, and these were not brought into service till a 
late period of its duration. The inference to be drawn 
from the facts was plain. If supplies of ships may be 
required during the continuance of the war, and there 
is no probability of procuring these supplies through the 
king's dock-yards, those of the private merchants must 
be resorted to. But, if he was not grossly misinform- 
ed, Mr. Pitt said, the board of admiralty had made no 
contract to any extent for supplying the deficiencies of 
the navy. Since the year 1801, when the present board 
of admiralty came into power, not more than two ships 
of the line had been contracted for in any of the mer- 
chants' yards. It appeared to him that a stronger ground 
could not be urged for inquiring into this subject. With 
respect to the number of seamen now employed, con- 
trasted with the number in the first year in the last war, 
he observed that the number was then augmented from 
the peace establishment of 1 6,000 to no less than 76,000. 
At the commencement of the present year, we set out 
with an establishment of 50,000, and with the prospect 
of a rupture from hour to hour. In consequence of the 
prodigious increase of our commerce, the mercantile 
marine of the country, the great nursery for the navy, 
had increased in an astonishing degree; and yet, not- 
withstanding all these advantages, the number of sea- 
men had been augmented to only 86,000. Mr. Pitt 
T 2- 



,214 THE LIFE OF A. 1804. 

concluded by a few general observations, stating that, at 
present, he wished the production of the papers, for 
which he intended to move, merely as preparatory to 
future inquiry. Ministers replied at length in their own 
justification, and they had on this occasion the assistance 
of Mr. Sheridan's splendid eloquence. They objected 
to the production of the papers. Mr. Pitt replied with 
great force to the various arguments which had been ad- 
vanced against the motion. He considered the refusal 
of ministers to produce the papers as tantamount to a 
declaration, that if full information should be afforded, 
doubts must still rest upon the minds of the members of 
that house, which could alone be removed by serious 
investigation. The first prominent feature of this mo- 
tion was, to ascertain whether we possessed such a naval 
force as would be fully competent to the security of these 
islands. The next was, to lay a foundation to keep the 
navy upon such an establishment, that, whatever may be 
its present condition, a permanent force may be in future 
supported, adequate to the accumulating perils to which 
the nation may be exposed. " Are not these," he asked, 
" grave and important considerations? Are they not di- 
rected to provide against the greatest possible calamity, 
and for the security, nay, the very existence of the coun- 
try ? I have been told, that I have been seized with a 
panic to which the gallant heart of the noble lord at the 
liead of the admiralty is a stranger.-— That noble lord, I 
well know, is superior to all ignoble fear; but he would 
be wholly unfit for the station he occupies, if he were 
not to entertain a rational conviction of danger ; if he 
did not know that difficulties were to be encountered, 
under the mighty system of hostility adopted by France. 
If ministers have felt none of these apprehensions, if to 
this alarm or panic they have been wholly superior, how 
are we to explain their recent conduct ? For what pur- 
pose have they been engaging the time of parliament 
with prolix and energetic discussions on the military 
force necessary to defend the sacred soil of our country 
from insult and violation ? — Whence all this bustle and 
activity, this voluminous correspondence with the most 
eminent characters in military life? — Whence this varie- 
iv of measures, which I will not say they have proposed. 



A. 1801. WILLIAM PITT. JUJ 

but to which they have acceded ? Is this too all vain de- 
lusion? or have they with me been degraded by a panic 
-which they assume when military affairs are under con- 
sideration, and reject with indignation when the naval 
force is the subject of debate? 

It has been truly said, that the naval defence of the 
land is our national passion, in which we indulge all the 
excesses of instinctive pride. With this generous pro- 
pensity, let us look to the collective strength of the ene- 
my on the opposite coast, which seems to realize the fic- 
tions of ancient story. Can it be supposed, with this view 
before us, we can for a moment forget all the advantages, 
of our insular situation ; the glories of our maritime 
strength ; the navy which has extended our commerce, 
which has established our authority, which has raised us 
to the rank we enjoy amongst surrounding empires, and 
which has conduced to our power and aggrandizement 
in every quarter of the earth? Can we, in the moment of 
danger, fail to remember this grand source of public se- 
curity? When the enemy, notwithstanding the loss of 
their internal trade, their external commerce, their fish- 
eries, the very foundation of their navy, have, in the pro- 
secution of a gigantic enterprize, erected an artificial ma- 
rine of prodigious extent, are we not to proportion our 
means to the new circumstances in which we are placed, 
to the new perils to which we are exposed? I trust, there- 
fore, I shall not be accused of disgraceful fear or idle pa- 
nic, if I contend that our exertions ought, at this moment, 
to exceed all former efforts, since the dangers by which 
we are encompassed exceed all former peril. In urging 
the importance of the kind of minor marine, which Mr. 
Fitt had recommended, it was by no means his intention, 
as has been misrepresented, to lay aside the floating cas- 
tles by which this country is protected; for, should the 
flotilla of the enemy venture to our coast, he had no doubt 
that a wide destruction and general confusion would be 
occasioned by the annoyance of our regular navy. But 
among the vast multitude, some might escape. In re- 
commending, therefore, this lesser navy, his object was 
to render certain that security which otherwise would be 
only probable. The larger ships would constitute our 
first defence j our flotilla would be destined to protect the 



216 THE LIFE OF A. 1804. 

shallows; our third expedient would be, if possible, to 
prevent by our army the landing of the enemy ; the fourth 
was, should they gain a footing on English ground, to 
meet them in the field of slaughter. •* But," said Mr. 
Pitt, ,l we are amused with a brilliant flash of eloquence, 
not lately a source of ordinary entertainment in this house, 
and we are told by an honorable gentleman (Mr. Sheri- 
dan) all this scheme of gun-vessels is a job. This senti- 
ment, clothed in a wandering meteor, which fixed its ray 
of indignation upon me, shall not so far dazzle my or- 
gans of vision as to prevent my discovering the way by 
which I may relieve myself from the terrors of its efful- 
gence. It is not necessary to conclude, because a service 
has been converted into a job, that it is an useless ser- 
vice." Mr. Pitt concluded by saying, he was sorry that 
what he proposed might tend in some degree to impli- 
cate Earl St. Vincent j but he had to repeat, that no ten- 
derness, no consideration for that character, hiy;h and 
great as it deservedly was, should induce him to sacrifice 
his duty to the public, whose safety, in such a crisis as 
the present, was the first object of his heart. Mr. Pitt's 
motion was lost by a majority of 7 1; but it was under- 
stood that some of the documents for which he had 
moved would be produced. 

Dissatisfied with the measures which ministers had 
adopted for the defence of the country, Mr. Fox, on the 
25u of April, moved, that it be referred to a committee 
to revise tne several bills which had been passed during 
the last and present sessions of parliament, for the de- 
fence ot the country, and to consider of such further mea- 
sures as may be necessary to render the said defence more 
complete and permanent. He supported his motion in a 
very long and able speech ; Mr. Pitt argued on the side 
ot r. Fox, and went into a direct and bitter opposition. 
He expressed the most decided disapprobation of the 
measures of government. The spirited exertions which 
had been made to organize the strength of the country, 
were not, he said, to be ascribed to the direction and en- 
ergy of ministers. No one measure could they claim as 
their own ; no one measure had they improved and per- 
fected ; but many they had weakened and destroyed by 



A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 217 

their incongruities. Whatever then the spirit and zeal of 
a free and brave people may have been under the sense 
of danger, ought fairly to be separated from the tardi- 
ness, languor and imbecility of ministers in every thing 
of which they have assumed the direction. Is it enough, 
Mr. Pitt asked, to have provided against the danger of a 
final conquest? Enough, he affirmed, has not been done, 
unless we have adopted every practicable and rational 
means of defeating the enemy, should they invade our 
shores, with the least sacrifice of life, with the least waste 
of the public resources, with that signal overthrow and 
destruction which will for ever deter them from a repe- 
tition of the attack, and for ever relieve the country from 
the alarm and anxiety of invasion. In conclusion, the 
right honorable gentleman stated, that judging of minis- 
ters from what they had done, and what they had omit- 
ted to do, from their slowness to adopt, and their inca- 
pacity to act upon any vigorous plan for the public de- 
fence, from the very long consideration they required 
upon even the most trifling topics, and the very crude 
and ill-digested measures they, notwithstanding, uni- 
formly brought forward; — from all these considerations, 
he felt himself urged, by a strong sense of duty to the 
house, to his country, and to his sovereign, to vote for 
the appointment of a committee to consider of devising 
some effectual means for our protection, and for the se- 
curity of all that a great nation should hold to be valua- 
ble. Mr. Fox's motion was, however, lost by a majority 
of 52. 

On the 25th of April, Mr. Yorke* having moved that 
the house should go into a committee on the bill for the 

* The family of Mr. Charles Yoiire has been industriously 
traced by our heralds, from Dover in Kent, first to Calne in 
Wiltshire, and then to Richmond in Yorkshire ; but the greatest 
and most honorable compliment that can be paid to it, arises out 
of the scrupulous integrity and transcendant talents of the found- 
er. Philip the first earl rose by his merit alone, without the ad- 
ventitious aids of either fortune or family connections, to be So- 
licitor General in 1719, Attorney General in 1723, Chief Justice 
of the King's Bench in 1733, Lord High Chancellor of Great 
Britain in 1736, and in 1754 Eavl Hardwicke and Viseount Roys- 
ton. 



218 THE LIFE OF A. 1804. 

suspension of the army of reserve act, Mr. Pitt was again 
the opponent of administration. — After offering his ar- 



Mr. Yorke is the second son of the celebrated Charles Yorke, 
appointed Lord Chancellor in 1770, and created peer by the title 
of Baron Morden,but who died before his patent had passed the 
great seal; in consequence of which the title did not descend to 
his posterity. His eldest son, however, on the demise of his 
uncle, the late Earl of Hardwicke, succeeded him both in title 
and estates. 

The younger son, born in 1764, of whom we are now to treat, 
received his education at one of our public schools ; after which 
lie was sent to the university of Cambridge, where he obtained 
the degree of L.L. D. He is lieutenant-colonel of the Cam- 
bridgeshire militia. In 1790, in consequence of the influence of 
his family, he was returned for the first time member for Cam- 
bridgeshire. At the general election in 1796, he again presented 
himself, and was again returned. In 1802, he stood once more 
us a candidate ; but on this occasion experienced a marked op- 
position on the part of some of the freeholders, who had disap- 
proved of the war, which he had supported both by his vote and 
his speeches. He polled, however, no less than 1435 votes, while 
his opponent, Mr. Brand, was 876 behind him. 

Soon after Mr. Pitt retired, Mr. Yorke became Secretary of 
State for the Home Department, in the room of Lord Pelbam, 
and presided as such during the remainder of Mr. Addington's 
administration; in the course of which, his brother, Earl Hard- 
wicke, was nominated to the high and important office of Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland. 

On Tuesday, Jan. 31, 1792, this gentleman recapitulated the 
principal parts of his majesty's speech, and concluded with mov- 
ing the address, which was carried after a long debate by a great 
majority. In 1796 he supported Mr. Pitt's measures relative to 
the subsidy to the Emperor of Germany, and remarked, "that 
we were indebted to the timely, prudent, and cautious assistance 
of that gentleman, for the deliverance of the empire, and the 
happv change in the political affairs of Europe — who might now 
exclaim, in the spirit of what Scipio said to the Romans, " I have 
spent 1,200,0001 but I have saved Germany." 

In 1801 (at which period he was Secretary at War) Mr. Y. 
defended the preliminaries of peace, and regretted the despond- 
ing- language which had been recurred to. In 1802, he detailed 
to the house an outline of the plan for the regulation of the mili- 
tia, during the peace, which acquired the praise of Mr. Sheridan, 
on account of the clearness and perspicuity of the statemant. 

On the open ng of the new parliament, Mr. Y. rose in reply to 
Lord Temple; and after descanting on the physical force main- 
tained by this country, both at sea and bv land, he retorted on 
the expression of " a mawkish administration," by observing, 



A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 219 

guments against the plans before the house, he suggest- 
ed one which he considered preferable — this was to re- 
duce the militia, by not filling up vacancies to 40,000, 
and to increase the army of reserve in proportion ; thus 
he thought that high bounties arising from the competi- 
tion between the two services would be decreased, and 
the regular army augmented. When the army of re- 
serve amount to 60,000, 10 or 15,000 should be annually 
permitted to enlist into the line, and the vacancies filled 
up. The ballot ought also to be differently regulated. If 
the person on whom the ballot falls would not serve, he 
ought to be excused on paying a certain sum, and the 
parish should find a substitute ; where no substitute could 
be found, the sum should be paid to the colonel, and the 
bounty of the recruiting service be so regulated as to 
keep that for limited service, below that of the regular 
army. Mr. Fox gave his hearty assent to Mr. Pitt's 
plan, and ministers carried the question by a majority of 
37 only. 

From the tenor of these debates it is obvious, that the 
military and naval arrangements of Mr. Addington's ad- 
ministration were conceived by the leading members of 
the opposition, to furnish abundant materials for the pub- 
lic dissatisfaction. The general measures of government 
were described as having assumed such a character of 
indecision, that ministers were supposed no longer to 
enjoy that degree of public confidence, without which 
no administration can maintain its ground. Such was 
represented to be the state of things in the early part of 
the present year. About the middle of February, some 
traces were perceptible of a coalition which was forming 
for the express purpose of producing a change in the 
ministry. Mr. Fox, Lord Grenville, and Mr. Windham 
were supposed to have agreed upon an union of parlia- 

" that if succeeded by its opposers," theirs would not be one with- 
out insolence. " Whatever may be our deficiencies," added he, 
"it will at least be said of us, that we gave peace to our country, 
and that it has suffered neither calamity nor dishonor at our 
hands." 

Mr. Yorke, who is about forty years of age, has now sat during 
three different parliaments. He has been Lieutenant-Colonel of 
the Cambridgeshire militia since 1799. 



m THE LIFE OF A. 1804, 

mentary endeavours to effect this object. It does not 
appear, that, at this time, the efforts of Mr. Pitt were 
in unison with their exertions. That he was decidedly 
adverse to the ministry was undoubted ; that he was de- 
sirous of a change in the cabinet was equally manifest; 
but that he was disposed uniformly to co-operate with 
this new opposition, is difficult to ascertain. It was not 
till April that the opposition was strengthened by the ac- 
cession of his powerful talents. To effect a change, ge- 
nerally, seems to have been the sole aim of their oppo- 
sition. 

The first public intimation that a change in his ma- 
jesty's government was in agitation was indirectly com- 
municated to the house of lords by Lord Hawkesbu- 
ry. On the 30th of April a resignation of part of the 
ministry took place, and, it is said, that a communica- 
tion from his majesty was made to Mr. Pitt on the 3d of 
May, through the medium of the lord chancellor. The 
high office of chancellor of the exchequer was at this 
time offered to Mr. Pitt; but the tender is reported to 
have been made with an express stipulation against the 
revival of the catholic question, and the admission into 
the cabinet of the great leader of the old opposition. On 
the 7th of May, an interview took place between his ma- 
jesty and Mr. Pitt, upon which occasion his majesty is 
said to have expressed no objections to Lord Grenville., 
Earl Spencer, Mr. Windham, or indeed to any of their 
friends, with one exception. Upon this point his majes- 
ty's resolution was unalterably fixed. A few hours after 
the interview, Mr. Pitt communicated the result to Lord 
Grenville. His lordship, it had been stated, immediately 
observed to Mr. Pitt, that without including Mr. Fox in 
the administration, and without a complete abandonment 
of the principle of exclusion, not a single member of the 
new opposition would accede to any new ministerial ar- 
rangements. It may be proper to mention, that the lead- 
ing members of the new opposition were the lords Gren- 
ville, Minto, Fitzwilliam, Carlisle, and Spencer; Mr. 
Fox, Mr. Windham, Mr. Grenville, and Mr. Elliot. 
When the personal objection to Mr. Fox was stated to 
him, and the firm determination of those with whom he 
had lately acted, not to form any part of an administra- 






A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 221 

tion from which he was to be excluded, he is reported 
to have professed his desire to see his majesty surround- 
ed by a strong administration, and wished the members 
of the old and new opposition not to be influenced by 
any personal feeling, but consult only the good of the 
country. Notwithstanding this liberal advice, they re- 
fused to accept of power without the support of his offi- 
cial co-operation. An explicit declaration of the senti- 
ments of those with whom Lord Grenville acted was for- 
mally made to Mr. Pitt, in a letter dated the eighth of 
May, 1804, of which his lordship is universally believed 
to be the author. The sentiments of Mr. Pitt on the 
subject of the formation of the ministry were expressed 
in the debate on the measure which he afterwards pro- 
posed for the augmentation of the public forces. The 
choice of ministers, he said, rested wholly with the 
crown. It was the undisputed prerogative of his majes- 
ty to select and leave out whom he pleased. This was 
one of the essential, fundamental points of our monar- 
chical constitution. With a direct reference to Lord 
Grenville, and several persons for whom he had great 
affection and esteem, he expressed his regret that they 
had declined the assistance and co-operation which he 
had wished to obtain. He reminded them of the fa- 
vorable opinions they had lately entertained of him, when, 
thinking higher of him than he did of himself, they had 
called for his return to office, singly and unconditionally, 
and said, that circumstance alone would re-inspire them 
with confidence and command their support. His allu- 
sion to Mr. Fox was marked with less personal and pub- 
lic regret; for it seems Mr. Pitt doubted whether his ad- 
mission into the cabinet would, at the same time that it 
might communicate energy to his majesty's councils, 
contribute to produce that decided unity of operation 
which appeared to be so exceedingly desirable. Sincere 
as he was in his wishes for an extended administration, 
Mr. Pitt said, that the radical difference of associates 
which this question had discovered, led him to doubt 
whether it could have been achieved to any permanent 
or beneficial effect — an union of elements so discordant 
might, he conceived have produced an effect very differ- 
U 



222 THE LIFE OF A. 1804. 

ent from what was hoped and intended. Mr. Pitt again 
became chancellor of the exchequer, the other places 
in administration were filled by Lords Hawkesbury,. Har- 
rowby, Melville, Camden, and Messrs. W. Dundas* and 
Canning,! to the exclusion of the friends of Lord Gren- 
viile, Mr. Addington, and Mr. Fox. 

* Nephew of Lord Melville, member of parliament from South- 
erland, North Britain. 

f The Right Honorable George Canning, now membei 
from Tralee in Ireland, is of Irish extraction, but we understand 
that he himself is a native of England. He was educated under 
the inspection of his paternal uncle, a respectable merchant in the 
city, by whom he was sent to Eton ; and soon distinguished him- 
self by his talents there, as well as at Christ Church, Oxford. In 
both instances, his taste for Latin composition was conspicuous ; 
and the elegance of his verses produced for him an early celebrity. 
There, too, he became acquainted with Mr. Jenkinson, and a 
number of young men of rank, a circumstance which has un- 
doubted!} proved serviceable to him in his pursuits in life. 

Having determined on the profession of the law, Mr. Canning 
took chambers in the Inner Temple, and commenced the usual 
studies. At this period, he lived in great intimacy with Mr. 
Sheridan, who had been acquainted with his family, and also vi- 
sited many of the most distinguished opposition members. 

About the year 1793, he was returned a member to parliament, 
for Newton, i'n Hampshire, in the room of Sir Richard Worsiey. 
At the next general election, he represented Wendower, in the 
county of Bucks, and now sits in the second imperial parliament, 
for an Irish borough. 

As a great opinion was entertained of Mr. Canning's talents 
for business, he was employed soon after he obtained a seat; and 
we accordingly find him filling the important office of joint secre- 
tary to the department for foreign affairs, when Lord Grenville 
presided at the head of that board' He also obtained the place 
of receiver general of the alienation office, and is now (in 1805) a 
member of' the committee of trade and plantations, as well as 
treasurer of the navy ; the latter of which he acceded to, on the 
resignation of Mr. Tierney, when Mr. Pitt came in a second 

Mr. Canning made his maiden speech in the House of Com- 
mons, in 1794, on the discussion of the treaty between his Bri- 
tannic majesty and the King of Sardinia, which he greatly ap- 
proved. On this occasion, he entered into an historical detail 
of similar treaties with the continental princes, and concluded 
with observing " that had it not been for the war, some corres- 
ponding revolutionary society might have possibly been sitting on 
the benches of that House; and instead of debating on a treaty ot 



A. 1804. WILLIAM PITT. 223 

The new administration having* taken their seats, some 
efficient measures, with regard to military force were 
expected, and, indeed, the residue of the session was 

almost wholly devoted to this subject On the 5th of 

June, Mr. Pitt submitted to the house a motion for rais- 
ing a permanent military force, and for the gradual re- 
duction of the militia— the plan was the same detailed in 
Mr. Pitt's former speech. The ballot was abolished; 
the whole task of supplying the quota of men thus rested 
upon the parish officers, and a time for non-compliance 
was established. No measure produced longer discus- 
sion than this, and it was finally carried by 42, notwith- 
standing the opposition of the Grenvilles, the Foxes, 
and the Addingtons. Little of importance to the sub- 



alliance, might have been agitating the question of a forced loan, 
demanded in the name of some proconsular deputy from the 
French Convention." 

When Mr. Pitt retired, he withdrew with him; and in Fe- 
bruary 1802, put some questions to the new chancellor of the 
exchequer, relative to his intentions, concerning the island of 
Trinidad. 

At the opening of the new parliament, (Nov. 23, 1802) he de- 
clared himself a friend to the address to the throne, " on the prin- 
ciple that it recommended a system of vigour, which seemed too 
long to have been wanting to our national councils ; but thought 
that it called on the house to exhibit too implicit a confidence in 
the ministers." 

When a motion was made about this period, for a direct " cen- 
sure" on ministers, he expressed himself bound to differ "from 
his friend Mr Pitt (who had moved the order of the day) for the 
first time in his life ; as he had no hesitation to avow his opinion 
of the incapacity of the administration." 

Soon after this, Mr. Pitt came again into power, and we find 
the member for Tra-lee statmghis reasons at large, for approving- 
the additional force bill, which was the first measure of the new* 
administration, and experienced every obstacle on the part of the 
old ministry and old opposition. 

During Mr. Pitt's last administration, Mr. Canning held the 
station of treasurer of the navy, to which Mr. Sheridan has suc- 
ceeded. He is respected by all who know him, and his political 
talents are universallv acknowledged. 

In the summer of 1800, Mr. Canning married the younger 
daughter of the late General Scott, who is sister to the Mar- 
chioness of Titchfield. He is colonel of the Somerset-house vo- 
lunteers. 



3*1 THE LIFE OF A. rsos. 

ject of these annals passed during the session. Mr. Wil- 
berforce, after a perseverance of 16 years, obtained a 
vote for the gradual abolition of the slave trade. Parlia- 
ment was prorogued on the 31st of July. 

During this year the offensive operations of the war 
were wholly confined to the blockade of the enemy's 
ports, and to attacks upon the flotilla assembled for the 
purpose of conveying the invaders at Boulogne. These 
however, could make but small impression. Surinam 
did, indeed, surrender to an armament under Sir Charles 
Green. The most important act of hostility was the de- 
tention of four Spanish frigates on the 5th of October. 
At home great prepartions were made for internal de- 
fence, in the equipment and direction of the volunteer 
force. The principal events were the seizure and exe- 
cution of the Duke d'Enghien, by order of Buonaparte, 
the arresting of Georges, Pichegru, and Moreau, on a 
charge of conspiracy, the seizure of Sir George Rum- 
bold, the British ambassador, at Hamburgh, and the ele- 
vation of Buonaparte to the throne of France, with the 
title of Emperor and the hereditary succession to his fa- 
mily. The Spanish declaration of war against Great 
Britian was issued on the 14th of December. 

Parliament met on the 13th of January, 1805. The 
speech noticed with approbation the great efforts of this 
country; it related that Spain had declared war, and that 
the papers should be submitted to parliament. A propo- 
sition of treating for peace (which had been recently re- 
ceived; was the only other topic, and his majesty ex- 
pressed his sincere desire to restore the blessings of 
peace, but declined to enter into further explanation till 
}ie had consulted his allies. The debate which followed 
was not remarkable. Mr. Fox was supported by the 
Grenville party, and Mr. Pitt received an accession of 
strength in the friends of Mr. Addington, who was now 
reconciled to Mr. P. and appointed to the presidency of 
the council, with the title of Lord Sidmouth. On the 
11th of February, the Spanish papers were taken into 
consideration; Mr. Pitt opened the debate, and in a 
speech of two hours and a half, recapitulated the prin- 
cipal circumstances attending the negotiation. From 



A.T805. WILLIAM PITT. 225 

this it appeared that Spain had entered into an offensive 
and defensive treaty with France, by which the contract- 
ing parties bound themselves mutually to assist each 
other, with 15 sail of the line and 24,000 men. When 
hostilities commenced, intelligence was immediately 
given to our minister at Madrid. He was to announce 
to that court, that if aids were afforded to France beyond 
a stipulated sum, such assistance to the enemy would be 
considered a declaration of war against England. Fur- 
ther, the admission of troops from France, was stated to 
be a justifiable ground of hostility. In such events, our 
minister was to quit Madrid, and instructions were to be 
given to the commanders of the British forces, naval 
and military, to secure all the advantages the nature of 
their situations admitted. The Spaniards were anxious to 
elude the terms of their obnoxious treaty with the French 
government, and had offered to give an equivalent for 
the limited succours. The demand of France was equal 
to three millions per ann. sufficient in this country to 
maintain three ships of the line and 24,000 men. On 
the 17th of September, Admiral Cochrane gave intelli- 
gence of armaments in the port of Ferrol. The cessa- 
tion of hostile armaments was a sine qua non of our for- 
bearance, but armaments were multiplied. Measures 
of precaution were now become inevitable, said Mr. P. 
Having apprised Spain of the only terms on which we 
could continue our system of forbearance, having dis- 
tinctly restricted to precise limitations, the privileges of 
neutrality, having told her that any armaments in her 
ports, after our connivance at her pecuniary succours to 
France, would be deemed by us a violation of her pre- 
tended neutrality — a forfeiture of all the advantages of 
our forbearance, and of that forbearance itself; having 
informed her that, in not conforming with the terms on 
which we had agreed to suffer her to enjoy the benefits 
of our moderation, she would place herself in a state of 
war ; having added to this, that such a conduct on her 
part, would amount to a declaration of war—what would 
have been said of his majesty's ministers if, when the 
proceedings of Spain had violated every agreement, and 
all the possible terms of her ov/n pretended neutrality, 
U2 



226 THE LIFE OF A. 1805. 

no measures of precaution had been taken by the go- 
vernment of Great Britain ? I know the intelligence of 
Admiral Cochrane has been questioned. The single 
thing against it to which weight is attached, is that of a 
piece of news, given by M. D'Anduaga, in one of his 
notes, the last indeed to the British government. M. 
D'Anduaga, when first he received the intelligence of 
the seizure of the frigates of his nation, addressed a note 
to the secretary of state for foreign affairs, in which he 
states, that the colonel of the regiment of Hibernia had 
received letters from some officers of his, regiment at 
Ferrol, stating, that the armament preparing in that har- 
bor, of which his regiment is part, was destined to go 
against the insurgents of Biscay. I do not know what 
gentlemen think of such information. I will not dispa* 
rage the authors of it ; but most certainly I am of opi- 
nion that information from a British admiral is higher 
authority than the information from the Hibernian colo- 
nel. 

As to the assemblage and arming at Ferrol, it is more 
probable, however, that they were originally intended 
for a secret expedition of some sort, but that when it 
became known that Biscay was in a disturbed state, as 
the troops could not be spared for a secret expedition, 
they were ordered to be landed, and received a destination 
altogether remote from that which was assigned them 
under the plan which had led to their assemblage. If 
it was otherwise, it never occurred to the governor of 
Gallicia to tell Admiral Cochrane, when this officer 
wrote to him for explanation, that the armament at Fer- 
rol was destined to act against the Biscayavis. On this 
subject the evidence of the governor of Galiicia is con- 
clusive. This person in answer to the first letter of Ad- 
miral Cochrane, demanding explanations of the arma- 
ments, in the ports of Ferrol, replies, that it was an 
arming of some vessels for a secret expedition, and not 
that it was an expedition destined against the insurgents 
of Biscay. Mr. Frere stated at Madrid, his apprehensions 
respecting that armament, to which M. Cevallos makes 
no other answer, than they were not intended to hurt us; 
not that they were collected to quell the revolt of the 
subjects of Spain. It was scarcely possible that it could 
be at first intended to act against the revolted province. 



A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 227 

If the force had been wanted to quell an insurrection in 
Biscay, and that it had been proper to have sent such 
force by sea, Spain had abundance of small craft in 
which to transport her troops. In the second place, if 
she must employ her ships of war, what was more ob- 
viously likely to have been her course, than to have taken 
out their guns, and armed her vessels en flute. Add to 
this, that Spain has no ports, or none at which she could, 
with any hope of safety, land troops in Biscay. But 
where and when was Spain to land her troops, if we 
grant for the sake of the argument, that such was her 
intention ? Why, Sir, in the Bay of Biscay ; that bay, 
incomparably the most tempestuous in Europe; and in 
this bay, the dread of the hardiest mariners, she was 
to land her troops, in the midst of the equinoxial gales! 
Days and weeks elapsed without one order, account or 
explanation from that court to its minister, M. D'An- 
duaga, to remove, at the court of England, those just 
apprehensions, jealousies, and inquietudes which the 
known proceedings at Ferrol were, of necessity, to cre- 
ate. — Not one word of explanation was given to our 
Charge d'Affaires, of the nature and object of these ar- 
maments; but he was told, generally, that they were 
not intended to hurt Great Britain. The simple question 
in reference to our moderation towards Spain, is not 
whether we did not do enough, but whether we did not 
do too much ? — whether we did not remit our due vigor 
and decision in not declaring war on the instant? If we 
had at once declared war, it would have been consistent 
with substantial justice. As it was. our reservation 
amounted to a pointed and conditional declaration of war. 
Even in the detention of the ships the moderation of his 
majesty and his government were obvious as unequivo- 
cal. We detained tne frigates of Spain, indeed, but, by 
the mode of that detention, we left a door open to Spain, 
to return to her ancient friendship, to the line of her ge- 
nerous and magnanimous policy in better days, to the 
course of her high-minded, honorable propensities and 
feelings, to her true interests, to the paths of her renown 
and her glory. On these grounds, and, 1 flatter myself, 
Sir, it will not be thought claiming too much to ask, as 
I do, the judgment of the house, not in disapprobation 



228 THE LIFE OF A. 1805. 

and disavowal, not to question the conduct of his majes- 
ty's government, but to lay at the foot of the throne our 
unqualified approbation of the forbearance and modera- 
tion of his majesty's dispositions and policy; of his ear- 
nest desires to avoid hostilities, by the opportunities af- 
forded to Spain to alter her conduct; and of our firm de- 
termination to support him in the present war with Spain, 
for the maintenance of his just prerogatives, of the ho- 
nor and dignity of his crown, and rights and liberties of 
his people." Mr. Grey having moved an amendment, 
censuring the late and present ministry, the debate was 
adjourned till the next day, when it was resumed, and 
after an eloquent reply from the chancellor of the exche- 
quer^ the amendment was negatived by a majority of 
207. On the 18th, Mr. Pitt produced his budget; the 
total of supply was 43,690,0001. for England, 20,000,0001. 
of which were raised by loan. The new taxes were, 25 
per cent, on the property tax, (introduced during the 
Addington administration) a tax on letters, legacies, and 
a variety of articles of customs and excise. The efforts 
of the opposition were first directed against Mr. Pitt's 
act for the defence of the country. The attack was 
opened by Mr. Windham, but Mr. Pitt did not speak 
upon the question. On the 6th of March it was renew- 
ed by Mr. Sheridan, who spoke at great length. Mr. 
Pitt, in reply, defended the bill. His speech is chiefly 
remarkable as far as it respects Mr. Windham's return 
to his first political friends, and his secession from Mr. 
Pitt. The honorable gentleman, (Mr. Sheridan) hap- 
pens, said he, at present to concur in opinion with a right 
honorable gentleman, with whom 1 have acted, and for 
many years concurred in opinion ; who, as to all my per- 
sonal feelings and dispositions, I still regard as my right 
honorable friend, but of whom I cannot politically speak 
in language so suited to my wishes. But as to the cordiali- 
ty of the two honorable gentlemen, why, Sir, if it be ex- 
pected to be found as it appears from the speech of the 
right honorable gentleman to-night, notwithstanding his 
professions, I much doubt, whether lasting friendship, 
or permanent connections will ever arise amid engage- 
ments so dissimilar and from elements so discordant. 
The honorable gentleman (Mr. Sheridan) disclaimed the 



A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 229 

idea of opposing, materially the doctrines or sentiments 
of the right honorable gentleman ; but this he took care 
to do away m a subsequent sentence, by rendering his 
forbearance conditional. He has told us, thai there was 
not one principle in the speech of the right honorable 
gentleman that he does not more or less approve; al- 
though, in point of fact, Sir, there was not one princi- 
ple in it that he has not unequivocally disapproved. In 
many glaring parts of his speech, this can be detected. 
The honorable gentleman tells us, that he approves of 
a varied force; the honorable gentleman ascain, holds it 
as a first principle, that the military force should be uni- 
form. The honorable gentleman approves of our having 
an army for general service, one for limited service, the 
militia, old and supplementary, the army of reserve, and 
the volunteers ; these distributions the right honorable 
gentleman vilifies; they are ingredients of our force 
which are decried by him but in which the honorable 
gentleman who spoke to-night (Mr. Sheridan) takes 
pride, nay, even glories.— Why, Sir, the honorable gen- 
tleman, we could all perceive, was not able to restrain 
his fervent disapprobation of any other system. Not- 
withstanding this, 1 have no reason to suppose, that there 
is not too much good humour prevalent in the disposi- 
tions of those two new friends, for any observations of 
mine to make mischief between them. I do know it is 
not by any means my intention, by any observations of 
mine, to make mischief. As to one of the honorable 
gentlemen (Air. Windham) it is a little remarkable, that 
the system of a various military force was ai one period 
approved and supported by himself. Although now con- 
demned by him, he formerly contended for its wisdom. 
The militia, augmentation of the militia, supplemen- 
tary militia, additional cavalry, all these measures he sup- 
ported and approved, when he was not only a member 
of the cabinet, but also secretary at war 1 ! I will not 
enter into the discussion here, whatever I may be induced 
to do in a more advanced stage of my speech, of the 
opinion of gentlemen respecting the degree of confidence 
that may be safely reposed in any of the members of 
this house. I will only say, that when gentlemen have 
once approved measures, which they now condemn; 



230 THE LIFE OF A. 1805. 

when they ask the house to rely, in a peculiar degree on 
their wisdom ; when they do so at the moment that we 
know that, while members of the cabinet, those mea- 
sures were never once questioned by them, much less 
reprobated: when these things strike us, we cannot give 
implicit credence to self-advised panegyrics of honorable 
gentlemen. The right honorable gentleman, in particu- 
lar, differs from himself. If he will only look into a single 
page of the journals, he will find, that the bill for raising 
men in the counties and parishes, for the augmentation 
of the militia, the cavalry, supplementary, and others, 
together with many more measures, all tending to ren- 
der our force throughout of a various description and 
character, were every one of them measures in which 
the right honorable gentleman was either jointly con- 
cerned, or partly authorized. Thus far, as to the con- 
sistency of the new friend of the right honorable gentle- 
man who has moved you. The majority against Mr. 
Sheridan's motion was 140. Mr. Pitt now brought for- 
ward a measure for increasing the regular army. This 
•was by permitting such a portion of the militia to volun- 
teer, as would reduce that establishment to 41,000 for 
England, 8000 for Scotland; 17,000 men were expected 
by this means to be added to the line. On the 25th of 
March, Mr. Fox presented the catholic petition, and he 
said he did it with as much satisfaction as any act of his 
parliamentary life. It is understood that the catholic 
delegates had solicited Mr. Pitt to have performed this. 
office, but that the chancellor had thought right to de- 
cline it. The consideration of the petition was fixed for 
the 9th of May. 

A committee appointed for the purpose of inquiry into 
the naval department had now submitted ten reports to 
the house. In the last, circumstances had been stated 
of a sufficient importance to induce Mr. Whitbread, on 
Monday the 8th of April, to move resolutions, express- 
ing strong censure on the conduct of Lord Melville, 
(Mr. Dundas, the present first lordof the admiralty). 
Mr. Pitt replied to Mr. Grey — Without pretending to 
deny, said Mr. P. that the honorable gentleman has in a 
great measure adhered to the promise which he made 
of considering this subject with moderation and cool- 



A. 1S05. WILLIAM PITT. 231 

ness, I must be permitted to say that he has not perse- 
vered in this resolution to the end. Instead of keeping 
strictly to facts, which ought alone to be considered in a 
criminal charge, he has appealed to the feelings of va- 
rious descriptions of persons, upon topics that are not 
applicable to the present occasion. He has touched up- 
on the public burdens, and hinted at the supposition that 
these burdens, required by the pressure of the times, 
have been aggravated by the abuse of the money, the 
raising of which forms so heavy a tax on the people. 
Sir, I am willing to allow, as every man must, that if 
the public money be squandered by any malversation 
on the part of the officers, {hear ! hear I) then the matter 
becomes a subject for grave consideration and serious 
inquiry. But what I complain of is this, that the honora- 
ble gentleman has endeavoured to mislead the public, by 
attempting to circulate the notion, that great additions 
have been made to the public burdens, when no such 
additons have in the smallest degree taken place, for he 
knows that not a shilling has been lost to the public— 
{hear! hear!) — that no allegation of any such loss has 
been mentioned, and that, in fact, no mischief whatever 
has resulted from this transaction. But I have not only 
•to complain that the honorable gentleman laid aside that 
moderation with which he commenced, but that he has 
given a totally mistaken view of the materials on which 
he founds his charge. The honorable gentleman tells 
us that the noble lord had an opportunity of answering 
for himself, as it had been on a fair and impartial trial. 
Neither the noble lord, nor the other persons who were 
examined, ought to be considered as having been brought 
to any thing like a trial, upon which a final judgment 
could be safely passed. I do not say this, Sir, with a 
view to an opinion on the merits of the points before us. 
My object is to shew that our materials are not such as 
to afford a safe ground for any final decision. — With re- 
spect to the matters themselves, I do not wish to deny 
that they are of the most grave and important nature, 
but I do again contend, that the public has not only sus- 
tained no loss, but that it has not even sustained any in- 
convenience from the manner in which the money was 
applied. Yet, at the same time, I admit, that if the public 



232 THE LIFE OF A. 1805. 

money be even incorrectly managed by a public officer, 
he is responsible for his conduct. I beg leave to repeat, 
that, from a full consideration of this report, I am con- 
vinced that all the circumstances are not before us in the 
full, clear and satisfactory manner, in which they ought 
to be, before we can give a fair and impartial judgment 
upon them ; I am desirous, however, that the matter 
should be examined with all that moderation, seriousness, 
and coolness, which ought ever to attend an affair of this 
nature. Without a long delay, not much beyond the 
holidays, by agreeing to the motion for a secret commit- 
tee, for which I shall have the honor to move, the house 
will have the matter clearly before them ; and it is only 
by this mode of proceeding that the whole can be fully 
investigated, so as to prepare it for a just and impartial 
decision. The commissioners, it ought to be observed, 
do not pretend to say that there were larger issues from 
the exchequer to the bank, than if a more plain and cor- 
rect mode of conducting the business of the navy had 
been adopted. They admit, as a fact, that the issues 
were not larger. There were none that could increase 
or accelerate the employment of the money, and conse- 
quently it is evident that the burdens of the people have 
not been augmented; nor has it been proved that a sin- 
gle individual has been retarded in receiving his pay- 
ments. Upon the whole, it is certainly my opinion, and 
I trust that those who have read the report carefully, 
have perceived, that before a proper decision can be 
given, many circumstances of elucidation are required. 
On the face of the accounts, 100,0001. is the whole 
amount of the advances to Lord Melville. It is known, 
that of all the sums of 160 millions which had parsed 
through the hands of Lord Melville, every farthing has 
been applied to the purposes for which it was issued, 
and has been regularly accounted for. Mr. Pitt went on 
to state his reasons — there were errors in the balances 
stated in the report, and the mixture of public and private 
accounts by Mr. Trotter, Lord Melville's agent — these 
circumstances called for an examination by a select com- 
mittee. A very animated discussion ensued, and the 
division of the house manifested an exact equality in the 
sentiments of the members, 216 being for and 216 



A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 

against the motion ; the speaker gave his cabling vote 
against the minister. Mr. Pitt having moved an ad- 
journment for one day, Mr. Fox objected to it, declaring 
that the country was in the hands of a disgraced ministry. 
It was, however, carried on Mr. Pitt's hinting that in 
such circumstances it was necessary. Lord Melville 
the next day resigned his office. On the succeeding 
Wednesday, Mr. Whitbread followed up the resolution 
of the Monday, with moving an address to his majesty 
to remove Lord Melville from all places of trust and 
emolument, which he held during the pleasure of the 
crown. On this occasion Mr. Pitt rose merely to say, 
that while the present resolutions remained upon the 
journals, it would be impossible for any minister to advise 
his majesty to confer any employment upon the noble 
viscount. After some debate the motion was withdrawn. 
The house voted that the resolutions of Monday should 
be laid before his majesty, and carried up by the whole 
house. Mr. W. then gave notice of a motion, that the 
attorney general be instructed to prosecute Lord Mel- 
ville and Mr. Trotter. It was upon this question that 
the final separation of Mr. Pitt and Lord Sidmouth took 
place. It is said that Mr. Pitt's first intention was a di- 
rect opposition to Mr. Whitbread's resolutions, and that 
he consented to forego this idea, in order to obtain the 
support of Lord Sidmouth's friends, upon the middle and 
wise proposition of a select committee. Differences, 
however, arose upon the conduct to be observed in the 
future stages of the question, and Lord Sidmouth re- 
signed. 

The case of Lord Melville was agitated in a variety of 
forms during the session. It is sufficient for the purposes 
of this work to quote Mr. Pitt's speech on the 1st of May, 
when Mr. Whitbread moved the house to address his 
majesty to dismiss Lord Melville from all offices of trust 
and emolument. After stating the reasons that induced 
him not to be the person to advise the measure of taking 
Lord Melville's name from the list of privy counsellors, 
Mr. Pitt said, that under a change of circumstances he 
had done so. I confess, sir, and I am not ashamed to 
confess, that I did not advise this step without a bitter 
pang, but a sense of public duty gave way to private 



X 



234 THE LIFE OF A. 1805. 

friendship and esteem. I will not erase from my bosom 
feelings of private affection, but I cannot suffer those 
feelings to interfere with what I find to be the declared 
sense of the majority of this house. I own the step was 
by me reluctantly taken, but it was not for me to dispute 
the wisdom, or to thwart the wishes of parliament. Af- 
ter what I have said, I trust the honorable gentleman 
will see the propriety of withdrawing his motion. Eve- 
ry public object is now obtained which the motion could 
accomplish, and I am sure the honorable gentleman has 
candour and humanity enough not to press discussions, 
the only effect of which must be to wound the already 
severely afflicted feelings of an unfortunate individual. 

The Catholic emancipation came on upon the 1 3th of 
May. Mr. Fox opened the question at great length and 
was supported by Mr. Grattan,* the celebrated Irish ora- 



* Henry Grattan, Esq.. was born in 1751, or 1752, and is 
the son of a former recorder of Dublin, by whom he was intend- 
ed for the bar, a profession to which he himself appertained, and 
in which he acquired considerable eminence. After receiving 
the necessary preliminary tuition, Mr. Grattan was entered a fel- 
low commoner of Trinity College, where lie obtained a degree ; 
and in 1772 he was called to the bar. Previously to this, he had 
repaired to England, and, as was usual at that period, placed his 
name on the roll, and ate his commons in the noble hall of the 
Middle Temple. ,- \ j 

But notwithstanding the powers of his mind were ot no ordina- 
ry standard, certain it is that he did not reap many laurels as a 
pleader— these, however, although wholly denied, or at least pe- 
miriously conferred on the lawyer, were soon taught to adorn the 
temples of the senator. 

By the friendship of Lord Charlemont, who had returned troni 
Italy, with a fine taste for the modern arts and ancient liberty of 
Rome Mr Grattan was returned for a borough of the same name 
with that nobleman's title, and from which we believe, indeed, 
he derived it. A free trade and an independent legislature, were 
the two first grand measures urged, and in part achieved bv him. 
The commerce of Ireland became extended through his efforts; 
and it is to the unabated exertion of his eloquence that his coun- 
trvmen stood indebted for the celebrated declaration, "that the 
Kine Lords, and Commons of Ireland were alone competent to 
make laws to bind Ireland in any case whatsoever." 

Nor were his countrymen ungrateful; having testified then li- 
berality at this critical moment, by a vote of 100,0001. which was 
aJterwards reduced to half that sum, at his own request. Soon 



A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 235 

tor, who was brought into parliament for the purpose of 
speaking- upon this great national subject. An adjourn - 

after this lie married Miss Fitzgerald, an amiable young woman, 
by whom he has had several children. 

'The next subject that afforded Mr- Grattan an opportunity to 
distinguish his talents, originated in the celebrated propositions 
introduced by Mr. Secretary Orde : these, he, and those connect- 
ed with him, after a long and severe struggle, at length succeed- 
ed in first rendering unpopular, and then in overturning-. 

But he completely failed in an attempt to rescue the catholics 
of the south of Ireland from the mode then and still in use : the 
payment of tythes to the priesthood of the established church, or 
rather to the proctors and tythe-farmers of the clergy. On this 
occasion, it was not the sum demanded, but the mode in which it 
was levied, that appeared objectionable. Nor did he succeed 
better in a proposition to exempt barren land, as in England, from 
paying any compensation to the church, for a certain time after 
cultivation. The policy of such a law is obvious, and indeed it is 
the law and practice of Great Britain. 

Mr. Grattan had formei'ly acted as an officer in the volunteers 
of Ireland ; and he now became a member of the Whig Club — 
the Irish Whig Club, all the members of which had pledged 
themselves never to accept of any offices under any administra- 
tion, that would not pass a pension, a place, and a responsibility 
bill. 

In 1790, such was the extent of his popularity, that he was re- 
turned one of the representatives of the metropolis ; and during 
the vice-royalty of Lord Fitzwilliam, he supported all the mea- 
sures of his lordship's administration with a degree of vigor and 
energy, as well as of talents, that did not fail to contribute to that 
nobleman's popularity. 

He at the same time declared himself unequivocally in favor of 
the catholic claims to " emancipation ;" and it was supposed that 
the peer just alluded to would have been empowered to concede 
this boon; but he soon after retired in disgust, and Mr. Grattan 
withdrew nearly at the same time from the senate, but not until 
lie had published his sentiments in a very eloquent address to 
ihose constituents whom he declined any long-er to represent. 

He was now beset with ills and with enemies. During the hey- 
day of his celebrity, the citizens of Cork had given to one of their 
principal piles of building the denomination of Grattan- street, 
which they now changed for that of a man who had a more recent 
claim to their favor, Lord Duncan. The corporation of the me- 
tropolis which he had formerly represented, nearly at the same 
time attempted to bereave him of his municipal franchises; and 
to crown the whole, his name was at length struck out of the list 
of privy counsellors. 

But although Mr. Grattan declined presenting himself as a can' 



'236 THE LIFE OF A. 1805. 

ment of the debate took place. Mr. Pitt did not rise till 
near the close of the second night's discussion. In the 
iirst place, Mr. Pitt said, I must express my great satis- 
faction at the temper and moderation with which the sub- 
ject has been brought before the house, and I trust that 
nothing on my part will disturb the coolness and impar- 
tiality with which a question of so much magnitude 
should be discussed. The petitioners do not ground 
their demands on any claim of right, and though the ho- 
norable gentleman may not have renounced his private 
opinion upon the subject, he is content to let the matter 
be discussed on the ground of expediency. For my own 
part I am ready to confess, that I never did consider this 
question as at all involving any claim of right, and that 
it was solely on principles of expediency, that I should 
have ever recommended it to your consideration. The 
distinction appears to me broad, evident and fundamental. 



didate for popular favor, yet at the general election in 1802, lie, 
in conjunction with Mr. George Ponsonby, proposed Mr. Barring-- 
fon, Judge of the Court of Admiralty in Ireland, and like himself 
educated at the Middle Temple, London, as a proper person to 
represent the city of Dublin: "a man of public spirit, indepen- 
dent conduct, and political purity — a man who resisted offers of 
die highest professional advantage, when he found that the sale 
of his country was to be the price of his preferment." 

Mr. Grattan had now retired for some years from public affairs, 
and seemed determined to continue during the remainder of his 
life in the quiet enjoyment of domestic happiness. But his friends 
at length determined to draw him from his retreat, and he was 
prevailed upon, perhaps, to pay a readier attention to their invi- 
tation, from the consideration that his services might prove use- 
mi to his native country. Mr. C. L. Dundas accordingly resigned 
his seat for Malton, and this gentleman was immediately return- 
ed in his room. 

The agitation of the grand question relative to the emancipa- 
tion of the catholics had been before determined upon; and on 
'he 12th of May, 1805, Mr. Fox supported their petition in a long 
and able speech. He was followed by Dr. Duigenan, who enter- 
ed into a minute investigation of the civil and religious principles 
of such of his countrymen as professed the religion of the church 
of Rome; and immediately on his sitting down, the new member 
for Malton arose, about eleven o'clock at night, and seconded the 
motion with his usual talents, taking care at the same time to re- 
ply, with his usual acuteness, to the various arguments ot the 
preceding speaker. 



A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 237 

Right is that which is independent of circumstances; ex- 
pediency that which includes the consideration of circum- 
stances, and is wholly governed by them and dependent on 
them. All questions of the enjoyment of power, the exer- 
cise of franchise, and the admissibility to office, must be 
decided by views of general convenience and advantage, 
and are not in the nature of perfect personal rights, be- 
cause they are bestowed, not for the benefit of the indivi- 
dual, but conferred for the sake of the state, for which the 
power is exercised and the duty performed. In this view 
we are bound to consider not the advantages of a measure 
under one particular view or one set of circumstances, 
but to look at it as involving a multitude of consequences 
in its adoption, in its execution, nay, in its very discus- 
sion and in the manner and lime of its agitation* On 
this principle I felt, that entertaining, as I did, a wish 
for the repeal of these laws previous to the union with 
Ireland, it could not have been consistent with the per- 
manent safety of the protestant interest, with the esta? 
blished frame and constitution of that country, or with 
the existence of the connection with Great Britain, that 
such privileges should have been conferred upon the ca- 
tholics. After the union, indeed, I saw the matter in a 
different light, and, though certainly nc pledge was given 
to the catholics, that their claims should be granted, I 
then was of opinion that, if it was found right to grant 
the claims of the catholics, they might be granted with 
more safety to the general interests of the protestants 
and of the whole empire, and even, if rejected, they 
might be rejected with less danger to the tranquillity of 
Ireland, than if that country had continued under a local 
legislature. I thought too, that such concessions would 
have been granted by a united parliament, under such 
guards and securities for our civil and ecclesiastical con- 
stitution, as would entirely remove the danger which 
many apprehended might arise from so great a depar- 
ture from the policy of former times. Yet allowing 
every thing for the good intentions, for the security of 
the catholics in their declarations, that they have no dis- 
position, to avail themselves of any power they may at- 
tain, to endanger the church, or to encroach upon esta- 
blished interests, I do not think it injurious to them to 

X-2 



» THE LIFE OF A. 180*. 

suppose that on some future occasion, under the tempta- 
tion of some favorable opportunity, they might feel that 
natural wish, and one particularly incident to the catho- 
lic religion, to aggrandize the principles to which they 
are attached. It would have been wise and proper not 
to have departed from the policy of former ages, with- 
out adopting new securities for church and state suitable 
to the circumstances of the times and to the novelty of 
the dangers that might be apprehended. I thought these 
precautions ought to be adopted on different grounds 
from any inherent suspicion of the catholics, whose ge- 
neral loyalty I am as willing as any man to admit. I 
know that it was not as catholics that so many persons 
of that persuasion, were engaged in the rebellion. It 
is true that the rebellion sprang from those principles of 
jacobinism, which were let loose in France; but it is not 
unfair to say also, that the influence of the priests them- 
selves, corrupted by jacobin principles, may not have 
been without effect in aggravating the evil. For this 
reason it appeared to me desirable to provide checks 
corresponding to the danger to be apprehended; checks 
not applying to the catholics as catholics, but such tests 
as would be a security against the principles on which 
the rebellion originated. 1 saw that these views and con- 
siderations were to be combined into a system under 
which the catholics would be satisfied and the protest- 
ants safe. Looking at the various interests to be conci- 
liated, the different objects to be secured, I was desirous, 
if possible, to find that concurrence which would have 
given a fair chance for carrying into effect a well-matured 
and digested system, without the danger of those obsta- 
cles that might pervert its tendency or defeat its effect. 
Unless done with these regards, the advantages of the 
measure, I conceived, would be lost. 

Unfortunately, however, Sir, circumstances occurred 
which prevented me from bringing forward this great 
question in the manner I had hoped for. These circum- 
stances certainly did appear to me of a nature which ren- 
dered it expedient for me to relinquish the situation I 
then held in his majesty's government, for, consistently 
with my own feelings, I could not bring forward the sub- 
ject while such circumstances existed, and I could n$t 



A. 1805. WILLIAM PITT. 239 

bring myself to be a party to the agitations, far less to 
the pressing- of a measure, to whose success there was 
an irresistible obstacle. My object was to allay the fer- 
ment that had too long fatally existed, to crush all odious 
jealousies and distinction, but that object I never could 
hope to obtain by pressing the consideration of a mea- 
sure, professing to have these objects in view, when I 
must have been sensible that the minds of men were not- 
prepared for its reception, when I was conscious it could 
not be carried in that spirit of harmony from which all 
its utility was derived. This, sir, is my view of the sub- 
ject immediately subsequent to the union, and this view, 
on the most mature consideration, continues unchanged. 
Mr. Fox's proposition was negatived by a division of 
336 against 124. 

No other discussion of importance took place during 
the remainder of the session, which was concluded on 
the 13th of July. 

During the early part of the year, the greatest efforts 
had been used by the British government to awaken the 
continental powers to a just sense of their own honor 
and of the dangers that awaited them from the enormous 
power of France, and to induce the three great princes 
to make common cause with this country. Buonaparte 
in the meanwhile was increasing his preparations for in- 
vasion, and they were so nearly matured, that the attempt 
was expected to be made every day, when the French 
troops were suddenly marched from Boulogne to Ger- 
many. A coalition had indeed been formed, and upon a 
scale of such magnitude, that ministers, with reason, 
hoped a most successful issue. The precipitancy and 
fatal errors of the Austrians are known, and the conse- 
quent defeat of the coalesced monarchs by the disgrace- 
ful capitulation of Ulm and the victory of Austerlitz, 
which enabled Buonaparte to dictate peace to the em- 
peror of Germany, to compel the emperor of Russia to 
march his army back to his own dominions, and to new- 
model the territories and governments of the German 
princes. The depression which events so calamitous, 
and so entirely beyond the ordinary occurrences of war, 
produced in England, was great and general. The na- 



240 THE LIFE Gl v A. 1806. 

tion could scarcely be roused by the glorious battle of 
Trafalgar. Mr. Pitt, whose health had long been de- 
clining under the fatigues of never-ceasing attention to 
the affairs of his country, sunk beneath the calamity. 
He had been to Bath for the benefit of the waters, and 
had returned to London for the purpose of attending the 
meeting of parliament, when his disorder increased to 
an alarming degree. It was an hereditary gout, attend- 
ed with extreme weakness brought on by a too anxious 
attention to business. His nervous system was so shat- 
tered as to deprive him for weeks together of sleep. Wa- 
ter in the chest and extraordinary debility of the stomach 
supervened. 

On Tuesday, the 21st of January, 1806, his disorder 
was so aggravated, that all expectation was at an end. 
It became necessary for his physicians to declare an 
opinion, and that Mr. Pitt himself should be made ac- 
quainted with his imminent danger. The bishop of 
Lincoln, his tutor and friend, who had constantly attend- 
ed him, fulfilled the painful office with firmness. Mr. 
Pitt was hardly sensible : — this dreaded shock had 
scarcely power to dissipate his lethargy; but after a few 
moments he waved his hand, and was left alone with the 
bishop. He had desired that some papers should be 
brought to him, to which his signature was necessary; 
and after he had settled all worldly concerns, he desired 
to receive the sacrament from his venerable friend, and 
it was accordingly administered. Some time passed in 
the solemn duties of religion. His will was made in a 
calm interval between this time and the following day. 
He had signified a desire to write a few lines, but his ex- 
hausted condition deprived him of the power. The 
physicians now thought proper to discontinue medicine. 
During the morning of Wednesday repeated inquiries 
were made after him, and a statement of his danger was 
transmitted to his majesty, to his relations, and most of 
his friends; Lady Hester Stanhope, his niece and Mr. 
James Stanhope, had an interview with him on Wednes- 
day morning, and received his last adieu ; his brother, 
the Earl of Chatham, took his last farewel in the after- 
noon. The bishop of Lincoln continued with him all 
night. The mortal symptoms were now approach- 



A. 1806. WILLIAM PITT. 2U 

ing to a crisis. His extremities were already cold, and 
his senses began to fail. As a last and desperate effort 
to protract life, blisters were applied to the soles of his 
feet ; they restored him to something of sensation and 
recollection, but they could arrest nothing of the pro- 
gress of death. It is said that he continued clear and 
composed till a short time before his dissolution, which 
took place without a struggle, at half-past four on the 
Thursday morning, and the last words that trembled on 
his lips were 

"OH I MY COUNTRY! 



We cannot better conclude this work than by quoting 
the words of Mr. Gibbon. This great historian had no 
inducement whatever to flatter a British minister; he 
sought neither honors nor rewards, and if he had, Mr. 
Pitt was not in place when he wrote these remarks. The 
accuracy of them will undoubtedly be subscribed to by 
every impartial reader. 

"He contemns trivial honors," says the historian, 
»> ?s-A disdains, even in great things, to act a second part. 
He is slow in action, and adverse to exertion, except 
when great honor may be obtained, or great actions are 
to be performed : not busied about many things, but 
confined to those which are great and splendid. 

"He is as open in hatred as in his friendship; for 
concealment is the part of fear ; he regards truth more 
than opinion, and shews himself manifestly in his words 
and actions, declaring his mind with full freedom, which 
indicates both his own love of truth, and his contempt 
for the opinions of others: but this openness of charac- 
ler is liable to one exception, for he is much given to 
irony, dissembling his merits before the vulgar, who are 
unworthy to appreciate them. 

" He can show undue complaisance for no one's hu- 
mors, except those of his friends, for flattery is a low 
and servile vice. He is not prone to admire, for he 
deems nothing great. Pie is not mindful of injuries, 
which his magnanimity teaches him to despise. He is 
no man's panegyrist or slanderer ; he talks not of him- 



242 

self, nor does he blame others, nor speak ill even of Kb 
enemies, except when their insolence excites his indig- 
nation. 

" His gait is slow ; his tone of voice grave ; his pro- 
nunciation firm. Haste and rapidity betoken too much 
solicitude. He therefore is seldom in haste, who deems 
few things worthy of his pursuit; nor is he often eager 
who thinks few things of importance: quickness and 
sharpness of voice proceeding from earnestness and 
eagerness." 

Thus far the author of our portrait of Mr. Pitt. But 
accurate as it is, it was written without personal know- 
ledge. The man might derive some features from the 
character, the character nothing from the man. Not to 
keep the reader too long in suspense, we have made 
Antiquity delineate Mr. Pitt for Posterity. The 
writer is Aristotle, and these are the characteristics 
of Magnanimity ! ! * 

* Ethics, B, 4, cha/u 5. 



T. S. MANNING, PRINTER 



LiftV A)^U 



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